A Theory of Procedural Common Law

Debates about the common lawmaking power of the federal courts focus exclusively on substantive common law. But federal common law is not limited to matters of substance; it reaches matters of procedure as well. Federal law includes a robust body of what might be called procedural common law—common law primarily concerned with the regulation of internal court processes rather than substantive rights and obligations. This body of law includes many doctrines that are fixtures in the law of procedure and federal courts. For example, abstention, forum non conveniens, remittitur, stare decisis, and preclusion can all fairly be characterized as procedural common law. This body of law does not fit easily into the traditional account of federal common lawmaking power, because it generally lacks certain features thought characteristic of federal common law: It does not bind state courts, it falls outside of the recognized enclaves of federal common law, and it is not entirely subject to congressional abrogation.

This Article offers a tentative account of the power of the federal courts to make procedural common law. One explanation for this power is a variation on the enclave theory advanced in the context of substantive common law: the constitutional structure preempts the state’s ability to regulate federal-court procedure, and, if Congress fails to specify procedural rules, federal courts must. This theory rings partly true insofar as it recognizes that federal-court procedure lies beyond state control. It is unsatisfying, however, insofar as it conceives of the procedural power of the federal courts as entirely derivative of and subservient to that of Congress. The Article thus considers an alternate theory: that procedural common lawmaking authority derives not from congressional default, but from Article III’s grant of judicial power. This theory has more force insofar as it accounts for the fact that the power of the courts sometimes, even if rarely, exceeds that of Congress in matters of procedure. It depends, however, on the widely assumed but largely untested proposition that federal courts possess inherent procedural authority. The Article canvasses Founding-era history to determine whether the Constitution can fairly be understood to confer this power, concluding that the historical evidence, while far from overwhelming, supports the claim that federal courts possess inherent procedural authority. Building from this notion of inherent procedural authority, the Article then sketches a theory to explain the power of the federal courts to make procedural common law.

Religion and Public Education in a Constitutional Democracy

The Constitution of the United States contains two of the major standards appropriate to a liberal democracy. Both are expressed in the First Amendment: one clause prohibits Congress’s establishing religion; the other prohibits its restricting the free exercise of religion. The present age is witnessing an apparently increasing tension over the meaning of these clauses, and the problem of interpreting them is intensified by the possibility of their apparently supporting conflicting directives in certain situations. In the United States (which is the primary setting of concern in this essay), the problem has been especially difficult and divisive. A major current issue is how science should be taught in public schools. Evolutionary biology has been the focus of most of the controversy here, but the place of religion in history, civics, and other areas of the curriculum also raises difficult questions about how, both constitutionally and ethically, teachers should deal with either religion itself or the religious implications of their subject matter. For many years Professor Kent Greenawalt has published well-argued, influential scholarly works on the relations among law, religion, and politics. His most recent book, Does God Belong in Public Schools?, is his first full-scale comprehensive treatment of the subject of religion and education in a liberal democracy (with the U.S. as the central example). My aim here is to bring out some of its distinctive points and to discuss a number of them in the hope of promoting further inquiry into the issues and, if only indirectly, better ways of teaching in the public schools.

Anticipated Judicial Vacancies and the Power to Nominate

In July 2005, Justice Sandra Day O’Connor retired, but her retirement was expressly effective only upon the nomination and confirmation of her successor. As such, Justice O’Connor served on the Court for more than six additional months while the President nominated three different individuals to her seat and secured the confirmation of Justice Samuel A. Alito. 

This Note addresses a simple, but unaddressed question: what triggers the President’s constitutional power to nominate under the Appointments Clause? The Note argues that there is a vacancy prerequisite to the operation of the Appointments Clause that requires either an actual vacancy in the office to be filled, or a sufficiently definite and irrevocable anticipated vacancy in such an office. 

After briefly discussing the relatively recent development of the judicial retirement option, this Note turns to unique issues presented when life-tenured, Article III justices and judges retire. When an irremovable federal judge announces the intention to retire on some future date, that mere announcement does not create a sufficiently definite and irrevocable vacancy to trigger the operation of the Appointments Clause. Instead, the nomination and confirmation of successors upon anticipated judicial vacancies generate tension with the intended operation of the appointments process as well as underlying constitutional norms of judicial independence. Triggering the appointments process on a justice or judge’s intention to retire in the future may allow an “incumbent’s veto” over nominated successors, skew the advice and consent role of the Senate, delegate a removal-like power to the political branches, and establish a kind of “holdover judge” where vacancies would otherwise allow for the operation of the Recess Appointments Clause. 

This Note concludes that due to the considerable constitutional difficulties that are presented, the Executive should not assume the power to nominate is constitutionally triggered by anticipated judicial vacancies.