Preserving Collective-Action Rights in Employment Arbitration

Arbitration has great promise as a vehicle for efficiently and cost-effectively resolving work-related disputes on the merits—and doing so in a way that is more likely than litigation to satisfy all concerned parties. To preserve this promise, judges and policymakers must be vigilant in monitoring the use of arbitration by nonunion employers, lest it become a tool for exacerbating the imbalances of power between workers and management, and, thus, ultimately discredited. Of particular concern are attempts by employers to use predispute arbitration agreements as a means of class-action avoidance. Indeed, the prospect of limiting exposure to large-scale employment litigation through arbitration has given companies a substantial incentive to require their workers, as a condition of employment, to waive the right to sue in court and instead submit claims to binding arbitration.

The proliferation of employer-promulgated arbitration pacts that explicitly or implicitly prohibit multiparty actions likely will bring to the fore a question which courts have yet to confront directly: whether such an agreement, entered into as a precondition of employment, constitutes an unfair labor practice by interfering with the rights of employees to engage in “concerted activities for the purpose . . . of mutual aid or protection,” as guaranteed by Section 7 of the National Labor Relations Act.

Precedent indicates that many employment arbitration agreements are, in fact, vulnerable to unfair-labor-practice charges to the extent that they require employees to surrender their rights to collaborate in dispute resolution as a condition of employment. This Note suggests, however, that employers can preserve a form of mandatory individual arbitration without undermining the policies behind Section 7, offering a solution through which employers and employees can retain the practical benefits of arbitration within a system that allows employees to work in conjunction with one another to resolve claims of mutual concern. Specifically, it advocates that employers embrace transparency in their arbitration systems by instituting procedures that provide for public disclosure of outcomes and the right of participants to present relevant prior awards as persuasive precedent.

Such an approach—which this Note terms “open arbitration”—not only would allow courts to reconcile the “liberal federal policy favoring arbitration agreements” with the objectives of Section 7, but it also would mute many of the criticisms that have led courts to invalidate mandatory ADR agreements.

Choice of Law, the Constitution, and Lochner

The rise and fall of constitutional limits on state choice of law coincides almost perfectly with the so-called Lochner era in Supreme Court history and the connection is by no means accidental. This Note reveals that nearly half of all of the decisions in which the Court used “liberty of contract” reasoning to invalidate state or federal action—including the very first case to do so—dealt not with fundamental economic rights but with choice of law issues. After explaining how the Court’s choice of law doctrines worked, this Note concludes that for the most part they are not susceptible to the traditional criticisms of Lochner. This Note also concludes, however, that although Lochner may not teach us about the choice of law cases, the choice of law cases may help us better understand Lochner. Notions of consent-based political obligation evident in the choice of law cases can reconcile competing interpretations of the Lochner Court’s more controversial substantive due process decisions, while the embrace of legal realism that led the Court in the 1930s to discard its choice of law doctrines suggests that nonpolitical explanations for the abandonment of “Lochnerism” have been underappreciated in accounts of the New Deal Era Constitutional revolution. Choice of law theorists and legal historians alike would do well to revisit the complexities of the Supreme Court’s now-forgotten attempt to address the constitutional limits on the reach of state laws.

Destabilizing Discourses: Blocking and Exploiting a New Discourse at Work in Gonzales v. Carhart

The purpose of this Note is to identify and analyze the interrelated discourses at work in Gonzales v. Carhart, focusing on the woman-protective discourse, in order to reveal the discourse’s origins, expose its manipulations of Casey’s undue burden test, and identify its strengths and weaknesses. Part I of this Note defines and describes the discourses at work in Gonzales, focusing on the cumulative work these discourses perform together and noting a meaningful series of shifts over time. Part II analyzes the woman-protective discourse in a variety of ways in order to draw out its assumptions, expose its historical predecessors, and outline exactly how it has manipulated the undue burden test. Part III examines ways in which this discourse can be resisted, using more traditional feminist methods, as well as ways in which it can be exploited to destabilize the undue burden test and promote women’s autonomy in non-abortion contexts.