Federalism, Metropolitanism, and the Problem of States

The United States has long been an urban country, but it is fast becoming a metropolitan one. Population and economic activity are now concentrated in cities and their surrounding regions. The largest twenty of these city-regions account for almost fifty-two percent of total U.S. GDP. This “metropolitan revolution” represents a fundamental challenge to our current federalism. The old federalism assumed that capital and labor are fully mobile and that subnational governments—in this case, states—will engage in competitive efforts to attract desirable investment while the federal government will assume the bulk of redistributive spending. The new federalism rejects the notion that economic growth can be attributed to interstate competition or that only central governments can effectively engage in social welfare redistribution. As economic activity becomes concentrated in cities, those cities become capable of engaging in forms of regulation and redistribution that the standard model of fiscal federalism had deemed impossible. 

Our current state-based federalism, however, fails to appropriately align capabilities with responsibilities. Instead of empowering cities, states are increasingly seeking to defund, defang, and delegitimize them. The mismatch between the prevailing sites of productive economic activity and the location of regulation and redistribution has subverted the values conventionally associated with federalism. State power is being deployed to undermine accountability, limit experimentation, and prevent the effective exercise of local self-government. One current consequence of the gap between state and city power is increased political polarization. A future consequence may be an institutional restructuring that better reflects the new geography of production and population.

What is Just Compensation?

The Supreme Court has held that “[t]he word ‘just’ in [‘just compensation’] . . . evokes ideas of ‘fairness.’” But the Court has not been able to discern how it ensures fairness. Scholars have responded with a number of novel policy proposals designed to assess a fairer compensation in takings.

This Article approaches the ambiguity as a problem of history. It traces the history of the “just compensation” clause to the English writ of ad quod damnum in search of evidence that may shed light on how the clause was intended to ensure fairness. This historical inquiry yields a striking result. The word “just” imposes a procedural requirement on compensation: a jury must set compensation for it to be just.

This historical understanding is especially important to modern law since the Supreme Court applies a historical test to determine whether the Seventh Amendment guarantees the right to a jury. This Article corrects the common misperception that juries did not determine just compensation in eighteenth-century English and colonial practice.

Genetic Privacy After Carpenter

The recent arrest of the alleged Golden State Killer has ignited law enforcement interest in using consumer genetic databases to crack cold cases. The break in that case came when investigators compared crime scene DNA to other DNA profiles searchable in an online genetic genealogy database called GEDmatch. Yet consumer genetic services have responded to law enforcement interest in markedly different ways. Some have explicitly denounced law enforcement use and vowed to oppose it; others have welcomed law enforcement expressly; and some have cooperated quietly with law enforcement, while keeping their users in the dark. At almost the same time, the Supreme Court gave these platforms a new role in policing police access to their genetic resources. In Carpenter v. United States, the Court upended the seemingly categorical rule that one cannot have an expectation of privacy in data shared with another.

This Article examines the impact of Carpenter for law enforcement use of third-party DNA databases, as in the Golden State Killer case. In so doing, this Article makes three contributions. First, it joins a burgeoning scholarship in identifying Carpenter’s “test,” and demonstrates that genetic information is precisely the sort of data in which individuals may ordinarily maintain an expectation of privacy, even when that data is in third-party hands. Second, it considers the role of consumer genetic platforms in mediating police access to their resources, recasting third-party privacy practices in a more robust and nuanced role as measures of consent. Third, it assesses the privacy practices of genetic genealogy companies specifically, concluding that some plainly reinforce existing expectations of privacy in genetic data, while others have meandered their way closer to legally valid consent to government use—though none has done so with precision.