Excited Delirium and Police Use of Force

­­­­

Excited delirium is often described as a psychiatric illness characterized by a sudden onset of extreme agitation, confusion, and aggression that can make people irrationally combative and dangerous. Since its inception in the 1980s, this medical condition has been used to justify deadly uses of force by police officers who detain individuals whose seemingly bizarre and uncontrollable behavior is believed to be a threat. Excited delirium is also commonly used by medical examiners and law enforcement to explain why the extreme toll taken on the bodies of people who experience these psychiatric episodes might lead to spontaneous death when they are in police custody. While this diagnosis is increasingly relied upon to explain police use of force and in-custody deaths, a curious matter remains unresolved: excited delirium, as an actual medical condition, does not seem to exist. It is not recognized as a valid medical diagnosis in the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (“DSM-5”) nor in the World Health Organization’s International Classification of Diseases (“ICD-10”), which are the most authoritative classifications of mental health conditions. Moreover, excited delirium has an ignoble history linked to racism and fraudulent forensic science. Nevertheless, excited delirium continues to play a prominent role in policing, prosecutions, and § 1983 constitutional tort claims adjudicated by federal courts when victims of police violence seek damages for violations of their constitutional rights.

This Article provides the first comprehensive assessment of excited delirium in law and legal scholarship. Drawing upon an original dataset that collects information on in-custody deaths over the past decade tied to excited delirium, this Article documents the extent to which this condition has been articulated by legal and medical actors as a cause of death in situations where police have used force. The data show, among other findings, that at least 56% of deaths that occur in police custody that are attributed to excited delirium involve Black and Latinx victims. By putting these findings in conversation with an examination of the scientific literature and § 1983 police excessive force cases that discuss excited delirium, this Article draws attention to how excited delirium has become a misplaced medical diagnosis that obscures and therefore excuses questionable uses of police force that produce harm and death—especially in communities of color. By relying on pseudoscience with little evidence, medical examiners and coroners have given life to a false medical condition that is often used to shield police officers from accountability when they use unacceptably harsh and unlawful force. Excited delirium shifts the blame for these deaths to what is often wrongly presumed to be an individual’s tragic medical condition, which obfuscates the structural conditions that predictably lead to unlawful uses of police force that are the more proximate cause of harm. By offering this examination of excited delirium, its role in policing, and how it impacts the adjudication of excessive force claims, this Article suggests that policymakers and legal actors should be more attentive to how science and medicine can be used inappropriately to impede police accountability and justice for victims of police violence.

Introduction

Tommie McGlothen Jr. left his sister’s house in the Lakeside area of Shreveport, Louisiana, while experiencing a mental health crisis in April 2020.1.Gerry May, Attorney Disputes Coroner’s Finding in Death of Tommie McGlothen, Jr. After Police Confrontation, KTBS (June 10, 2020), https://www.ktbs.com/news/‌3investigates/attorney-disputes-coroners-finding-in-death-of-tommie-mcglothen-jr-after-police-confrontation/article_f100f4a6-ab7b-11ea-9d9b-1b7fb00daba3.html [https://perma.cc/8SEX-6Y42].Show More As he walked down the street, his erratic behavior gave a passerby the impression that McGlothen was attempting to break into a car. The police were summoned. When officers approached McGlothen, a dispute erupted and McGlothen was handcuffed. Witnesses noted that although McGlothen was not resisting at this point, the officers struck him several times and slammed him into a patrol car.2.Gerry May, Shreveport Man Dies in Police Custody; Family Fears “Cover-Up,” KTBS (May 31, 2020), https://www.ktbs.com/news/shreveport-man-dies-in-police-custody-family-fears-cover-up/article_ef947450-a20a-11ea-ac9e-87e6f58f8b87.html [https://perma.cc/6ADP-6EFT].Show More The officers then put McGlothen into the back of the car and left him there alone for nearly an hour. When they returned to check on him, McGlothen was unresponsive.3.Gerald Herbert & Rebecca Santana, ‘Denied the Truth’ Says Son of Black Man Who Died in Custody, ABC News (June 12, 2020, 5:19 PM), https://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/‌denied-truth-son-black-man-died-custody-71222156 [https://perma.cc/G9ES-NMPP].Show More Paramedics arrived at the scene, and witnesses said that the “ambulance drove off slowly with no lights or siren,”4.KSLA Investigates Reveals Video of Tommie McGlothen’s Last Encounter with Police, KSLA (June 8, 2020, 4:58 PM), https://www.ksla.com/2020/06/08/ksla-investigates-reveals-video-tommie-mcglothens-last-encounter-with-police/ [https://perma.cc/J2WM-NPJZ].Show More suggesting to some onlookers that he was already dead.

The local coroner, Dr. Todd Thoma, released a report on the cause of McGlothen’s death two months later. Curiously, he concluded that it was “natural”—the result of a psychiatric condition known as excited delirium. As Thoma explained:

These people get into a situation where they become confused, disoriented, violent, aggressive. They can’t listen to reason. There is no reason. This is a medical problem. This is not somebody’s behavioral problem . . . . When police try to restrain [people suffering from excited delirium] to try to take them into custody, it takes a lot of force sometimes to do that. . . . [They are also] impervious to pain.5.May, supra note 1.Show More

Thoma recites what has become an increasingly familiar narrative embraced by coroners, law enforcement, and other legal and medical actors when people seem to suddenly and inexplicably die after being involved with the police. The death is seen as an unfortunate, yet natural, byproduct of a psychiatric condition that causes people to get so overworked and agitated that they spontaneously die, through no fault of anyone or anything except for their own defective bodies.

But what is curious about the coroner’s initial determination of McGlothen’s death is that all available evidence suggests that he died from injuries other than some mysterious psychiatric disorder. Video evidence shows four police officers pummeling a handcuffed McGlothen for several minutes with repeated punches and kicks. They hit him with night sticks, tased him, and used mace.6.Herbert & Santana, supra note 3; May, supra note 2.Show More The coroner concluded that “[a]lthough [an] autopsy showed that Mr. McGlothen suffered multiple blunt force injuries from both his confrontation with police and the citizens earlier in the day and that evening, no injuries were life-threatening or could be considered serious.”7.Caddo Coroner: McGlothen’s Death Natural, Possibly Preventable, KSLA (June 9, 2020, 9:41 AM), https://www.ksla.com/2020/06/09/caddo-coroner-mcglothens-death-natural-possibly-preventable/ [https://perma.cc/QU2Q-25ZP]. In September 2020, four officers were charged with negligent homicide and malfeasance after Thoma “determined that Mr. McGlothen’s death ‘was preventable’ because the officers should have known he needed medical treatment.” Michael Levenson, Four Louisiana Officers Charged in Death of Black Man with Mental Illness, N.Y. Times, (Sept. 18, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/‌09/18/us/shreveport-police-officers-charged-death.html [https://perma.cc/X9D2-3FQ3].Show More However, when McGlothen’s family saw his corpse, they were shocked by its condition. His sister, Macronia McGlothen, said: “When we got to the funeral it looked like he had been beaten. His nose was broken. His jaw was broken. And his eye was swollen. It looked like he had a fractured skull. . . . So something’s not adding up.”8.May, supra note 2.Show More

* * *

Science and medicine have longstanding relationships with law and, in particular, law enforcement. Forensic scientists have worked with police investigators for many years to help understand crime scene evidence, and medical examiners have lent their knowledge of human anatomy and pathology to help investigators understand how mysterious deaths might have occurred. This intimate relationship between medical knowledge and legal procedures has been well documented.9.See, e.g., Radley Balko & Tucker Carrington, The Cadaver King and the Country Dentist, at xiv, xxii (2018) (noting that a single medical examiner testified in approximately 80% of Mississippi’s homicide cases over almost twenty years); Nigel McCrery, Silent Witnesses: The Often Gruesome but Always Fascinating History of Forensic Science, at xxiii (2014) (describing the impact of DNA testing on criminal adjudication around the world); Douglas Starr, The Killer of Little Shepherds: A True Crime Story and the Birth of Forensic Science 11–12 (2010) (explaining the origin of modern forensic science at the turn of the twentieth century).Show More However, less attention has been paid to how medical professionals might use their knowledge of science and medicine to participate in—and, at times, even conceal—unlawful uses of force by law enforcement that lead to community members’ harm and death. For example, in a recent article in the California Law Review, my co-author and I examined how paramedics have partnered with police to administer harsh drugs that have a sedative effect, also known as chemical restraints, on people who have been detained or arrested—many of whom are thought to be experiencing excited delirium.10 10.Osagie K. Obasogie & Anna Zaret, Medical Professionals, Excessive Force, and the Fourth Amendment, 109 Calif. L. Rev. 1 (2021).Show More These drugs are often used not for the health and well-being of the person under arrest, but to assist law enforcement by easing their efforts at managing what are often thought to be unmanageable bodies. Chemical restraints, such as ketamine, have been increasingly employed by police and EMS responders in recent years and have led to unnecessary hospitalizations and deaths of detained people.11 11.Patty Nieberg, Elijah McClain Case Leads to Scrutiny of Ketamine’s Use During Arrests, Denv. Post (Aug. 22, 2020, 2:31 PM), https://www.denverpost.com/2020/08/22/elijah-mcclain-ketamine-police-arrests/ [https://perma.cc/34SE-PB9R]; see also Gregory Yee, Mount Pleasant Man’s Ketamine-Related Death in Police Custody Under Investigation, Post & Courier (Feb. 28, 2020), https://www.postandcourier.com/news/mount-pleasant-mans-ketamine-related-death-in-police-custody-under-investigation/article_8b07f4de-59ae-11ea-adad-2f0e6f56d779.html [https://perma.cc/3M86-SJSP]; John Croman, Man Files Lawsuit Over Ketamine Injection, KARE (July 14, 2018, 1:35 PM), https://www.kare11.com/article/news/man-files-lawsuit-over-ketamine-injection/89-573408858 [https://perma.cc/G3D4-86QS].Show More

The questionable relationship between medical professionals and law enforcement is not limited to chemical restraints. Medical examiners and coroners play a critical role in the legal system in providing the official cause of death when someone dies in police custody. Forensic pathologists are often relied upon by police and investigators to explain how an unusual or unexpected death might have occurred. Excited delirium, as a psychiatric disorder that is thought to place significant physical stress on people, appears to offer medical insight into what seems like an epidemic of people suffering from drug dependency or mental health crises dying without explanation.

There are at least three aspects of excited delirium that are unusual and worthy of exploration. First, excited delirium appears to be more common among Black people. Although studies on excited delirium are scant, data suggest that Black people are diagnosed as suffering from it at much higher rates than White people.12 12.See infra Subsection III.C.2.Show More Second, the disease strangely seems to happen when police are around. For example, a recent review in Florida Today showed that nearly two-thirds of the deaths in Florida officially listed as being caused by excited delirium over the past decade occurred while the decedent was in police custody or had some other interaction with law enforcement.13 13.Alessandro Marazzi Sassoon, Excited Delirium: Rare and Deadly Syndrome or a Condition to Excuse Deaths by Police?, Fla. Today (Jan. 30, 2020, 2:52 PM), https://www.floridatoday.com/in-depth/news/2019/10/24/excited-delirium-custody-deaths-gregory-edwards-melbourne-taser/2374304001/ [https://perma.cc/4M2A-5GE3].Show More Yet, this may be an undercount as other deaths that implicate police officers in Florida and across the country might be presumed to involve excited delirium without official designation or further investigation.14 14.One example where this occurred is the police killing of George Floyd. One officer at the scene, Thomas Lane, described his concern that Floyd might have experienced excited delirium while being restrained (and ultimately strangled to death) by Officer Derek Chauvin. See Steve Eckert & Jeremy Jojola, KARE 11 Investigates: Did Officers Fear George Floyd Had ‘Excited Delirium’?, KARE 11 (Apr. 13, 2021), https://www.kare11.com/article/‌news/investigations/kare-11-investigates-did-officers-fear-george-floyd-had-excited-delirium/89-f7cc01f2-427c-48ab-a4fe-3f414c3c2236. Given the troubling and inaccurate manner that Minneapolis police initially reported the confrontation between police and George Floyd—the headline of the police press release read “Man Dies After Medical Incident During Police Interaction”—excited delirium could have easily become part of the way that Floyd’s death was described, but for video of the incident and public outcry. See Eric Levenson, How Minneapolis Police First Described the Murder of George Floyd, and What We Know Now, CNN (Apr. 21, 2021), https://www.cnn.com/2021/04/21/us/minneapolis-police-george-floyd-death/index.html [https://perma.cc/6TQN-ZTGA]. Indeed, even after the video of Floyd’s murder and social unrest, excited delirium still emerged as a possible explanation of his death during Derek Chauvin’s trial. See Steve Karnowski, Explainer: Why ‘Excited Delirium’ Came Up at Chauvin Trial?, AP News (Apr. 19, 2021), https://apnews.com/article/health-death-of-george-floyd-trials-george-floyd-3b60b3930023a2668e7fc63f903fc3aa.Show More And lastly, and perhaps most strangely, excited delirium is not a psychiatric disorder that is recognized by most medical professionals. Professional organizations such as the American Psychiatric Association15 15.Press Release, Am. Psychiatric Ass’n, Position Statement on Concerns About Use of the Term ‘Excited Delirium’ and Appropriate Medical Management in Out-of-Hospital Contexts (Dec. 2020), https://www.psychiatry.org/File%20Library/About-APA/Organization‌-Documents-Policies/Policies/Position-Use-of-Term-Excited-Delirium.pdf [https://perma.cc/2HVX-2X3N].Show More and the American Medical Association16 16.Press Release, Am. Med. Ass’n, New AMA Policy Opposes ‘Excited Delirium’ Diagnosis (June 14, 2021), https://www.ama-assn.org/press-center/press-releases/new-ama-policy-opposes-excited-delirium-diagnosis [https://perma.cc/T9DP-6XPT].Show More have been extremely critical of the term and oppose its use. Medical guidebooks used to identify psychiatric conditions, such as the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (“DSM-5”) and the International Classification of Diseases (“ICD-10”), do not acknowledge it as a valid psychiatric disorder. Moreover, the peer-reviewed literature on excited delirium is rather thin; there is no clear articulation of causal mechanisms or pathways to support the notion that excited delirium has a distinct pathology that leads to death.

Nevertheless, excited delirium as a psychiatric diagnosis allows law enforcement to pathologize people’s behavior, justify the use of chemical or physical restraints (and even deadly force), or explain how someone might unexpectedly die while in custody. As one example, a recent investigation uncovered that paramedics in Colorado used a chemical restraint called ketamine to sedate 902 people who were thought to be experiencing excited delirium in pre-hospital (i.e., public) settings over a two-and-a-half year period.17 17.Michael de Yoanna & Rae Solomon, Medics in Colorado Dosed 902 People with Ketamine for ‘Excited Delirium’ in 2.5 Years, KUNC (July 21, 2020, 5:35 PM), https://www.kunc.org/news/2020-07-21/medics-in-colorado-dosed-902-people-with-ketamine-for-excited-delirium-in-2-5-years [https://perma.cc/5RUA-ZEJA].Show More This includes the death of Elijah McClain, a twenty-three-year-old Black man who was approached by police while walking down a street after a 911 caller said he “looked sketchy.”18 18.Lucy Tompkins, Here’s What You Need to Know About Elijah McClain’s Death, N.Y. Times (last updated Oct. 19, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/article/who-was-elijah-mcclain.html [https://perma.cc/6CTY-S438].Show More Multiple officers tackled him and placed him in a chokehold. Paramedics injected him with ketamine when they arrived at the scene after the officers reported that McClain had “incredible, crazy strength” and was “definitely on something,”19 19.Id.Show More which were “signs they took not as a struggle to survive, but as symptoms of excited delirium.”20 20.John Dickerson, Excited Delirium: The Controversial Syndrome That Can Be Used to Protect Police from Misconduct Charges, 60 Minutes (Dec. 13, 2020), https://www.cbsnews.com/news/excited-delirium-police-custody-george-floyd-60-minutes-2020-12-13/ [https://perma.cc/98HM-799S].Show More The amount of ketamine injected into McClain was grossly inappropriate for his size,21 21.Brian Maass, Ketamine Dose for Elijah McClain ‘Too Much,’ Says Anesthesiologist, CBS4 Denv. (July 7, 2020, 11:59 PM), https://denver.cbslocal.com/2020/07/07/elijah-mcclain-ketamine-aurora-police-anesthesiologist/ [https://perma.cc/5DR6-TNML] (“Multiple anesthesiologists are questioning the amount of Ketamine, a widely employed sedative, used on Elijah McClain just before he stopped breathing last August, with one doctor saying it was, ‘Too much, twice too much.’”).Show More and McClain went into cardiac arrest in the ambulance on the way to the hospital. He died several days later.

The numbers from Colorado regarding the widespread use of ketamine in response to perceived episodes of excited delirium, along with evidence from other states, demonstrate that this unfounded medical diagnosis is having an increasing influence on: (1) how law enforcement assess and respond to people that they engage and their decision to use force; (2) how medical examiners and coroners classify the cause of death when police interactions have deadly endings; and (3) how courts review the appropriateness of police use of force when these matters are litigated as possible instances of excessive force that might violate the Fourth Amendment. This Article examines how excited delirium is being used in law, places these developments in a social and historical context, and provides an evidence-based set of recommendations on how law and policy should move forward.

This examination of excited delirium is closely connected to doctrinal issues regarding police use of force. Part II reviews the social context and community impact of police violence while also being attentive to the doctrinal evolutions that constitute modern use of force jurisprudence to show how law makes it difficult to hold police accountable when excessive force is used. Understanding the role of law in undermining accountability provides an important context for appreciating how excited delirium, as an ostensible medical diagnosis, became enmeshed in the legal system as an additional way to exculpate police officers of wrongdoing. Part III offers a close examination of the history of excited delirium and reviews the scientific evidence used to support it as a diagnosis. This Part ends with a discussion of an original empirical dataset that I collected on how excited delirium has been used to describe the cause of deaths that occur in police custody as reported in local newspapers over the past decade. Part IV continues this assessment by examining how excited delirium has been discussed in federal courts, mostly in constitutional tort cases pursuant to 42 U.S.C. § 1983. An examination of these cases demonstrates that federal courts often give weight and meaning to excited delirium that is not supported by the existing scientific evidence. Part V provides a series of recommendations on how federal courts, local police departments, and medical professionals (including coroners and medical examiners) should approach excited delirium. I then briefly conclude in Part VI.

  1. * Haas Distinguished Chair and Professor of Law, University of California, Berkeley School of Law (joint appointment with the Joint Medical Program and School of Public Health). B.A., Yale University; J.D., Columbia Law School; Ph.D., University of California, Berkeley. Many thanks to Amelia Dmowska, Hayley MacMillen, and Anna Zaret for their excellent research assistance.

  2. Gerry May, Attorney Disputes Coroner’s Finding in Death of Tommie McGlothen, Jr. After Police Confrontation, KTBS (June 10, 2020), https://www.ktbs.com/news/‌3investigates/attorney-disputes-coroners-finding-in-death-of-tommie-mcglothen-jr-after-police-confrontation/article_f100f4a6-ab7b-11ea-9d9b-1b7fb00daba3.html [https://perma.cc/8SEX-6Y42].

  3. Gerry May, Shreveport Man Dies in Police Custody; Family Fears “Cover-Up,” KTBS (May 31, 2020), https://www.ktbs.com/news/shreveport-man-dies-in-police-custody-family-fears-cover-up/article_ef947450-a20a-11ea-ac9e-87e6f58f8b87.html [https://perma.cc/6ADP-6EFT].

  4. Gerald Herbert & Rebecca Santana, ‘Denied the Truth’ Says Son of Black Man Who Died in Custody, ABC News (June 12, 2020, 5:19 PM), https://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/‌denied-truth-son-black-man-died-custody-71222156 [https://perma.cc/G9ES-NMPP].

  5. KSLA Investigates Reveals Video of Tommie McGlothen’s Last Encounter with Police, KSLA (June 8, 2020, 4:58 PM), https://www.ksla.com/2020/06/08/ksla-investigates-reveals-video-tommie-mcglothens-last-encounter-with-police/ [https://perma.cc/J2WM-NPJZ].

  6. May, supra note 1.

  7. Herbert & Santana, supra note 3; May, supra note 2.

  8. Caddo Coroner: McGlothen’s Death Natural, Possibly Preventable, KSLA (June 9, 2020, 9:41 AM), https://www.ksla.com/2020/06/09/caddo-coroner-mcglothens-death-natural-possibly-preventable/ [https://perma.cc/QU2Q-25ZP]. In September 2020, four officers were charged with negligent homicide and malfeasance after Thoma “determined that Mr. McGlothen’s death ‘was preventable’ because the officers should have known he needed medical treatment.” Michael Levenson, Four Louisiana Officers Charged in Death of Black Man with Mental Illness, N.Y. Times, (Sept. 18, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/‌09/18/us/shreveport-police-officers-charged-death.html [https://perma.cc/X9D2-3FQ3].

  9. May, supra note 2.

  10. See, e.g., Radley Balko & Tucker Carrington, The Cadaver King and the Country Dentist, at xiv, xxii (2018) (noting that a single medical examiner testified in approximately 80% of Mississippi’s homicide cases over almost twenty years); Nigel McCrery, Silent Witnesses: The Often Gruesome but Always Fascinating History of Forensic Science, at xxiii (2014) (describing the impact of DNA testing on criminal adjudication around the world); Douglas Starr, The Killer of Little Shepherds: A True Crime Story and the Birth of Forensic Science 11–12 (2010) (explaining the origin of modern forensic science at the turn of the twentieth century).

  11. Osagie K. Obasogie & Anna Zaret, Medical Professionals, Excessive Force, and the Fourth Amendment, 109 Calif. L. Rev. 1 (2021).

  12. Patty Nieberg, Elijah McClain Case Leads to Scrutiny of Ketamine’s Use During Arrests, Denv. Post (Aug. 22, 2020, 2:31 PM), https://www.denverpost.com/2020/08/22/elijah-mcclain-ketamine-police-arrests/ [https://perma.cc/34SE-PB9R]; see also Gregory Yee, Mount Pleasant Man’s Ketamine-Related Death in Police Custody Under Investigation, Post & Courier (Feb. 28, 2020), https://www.postandcourier.com/news/mount-pleasant-mans-ketamine-related-death-in-police-custody-under-investigation/article_8b07f4de-59ae-11ea-adad-2f0e6f56d779.html [https://perma.cc/3M86-SJSP]; John Croman, Man Files Lawsuit Over Ketamine Injection, KARE (July 14, 2018, 1:35 PM), https://www.kare11.com/article/news/man-files-lawsuit-over-ketamine-injection/89-573408858 [https://perma.cc/G3D4-86QS].

  13. See infra Subsection III.C.2.

  14. Alessandro Marazzi Sassoon, Excited Delirium: Rare and Deadly Syndrome or a Condition to Excuse Deaths by Police?, Fla. Today (Jan. 30, 2020, 2:52 PM), https://www.floridatoday.com/in-depth/news/2019/10/24/excited-delirium-custody-deaths-gregory-edwards-melbourne-taser/2374304001/ [https://perma.cc/4M2A-5GE3].

  15. One example where this occurred is the police killing of George Floyd. One officer at the scene, Thomas Lane, described his concern that Floyd might have experienced excited delirium while being restrained (and ultimately strangled to death) by Officer Derek Chauvin. See Steve Eckert & Jeremy Jojola, KARE 11 Investigates: Did Officers Fear George Floyd Had ‘Excited Delirium’?, KARE 11 (Apr. 13, 2021), https://www.kare11.com/article/‌news/investigations/kare-11-investigates-did-officers-fear-george-floyd-had-excited-delirium/89-f7cc01f2-427c-48ab-a4fe-3f414c3c2236. Given the troubling and inaccurate manner that Minneapolis police initially reported the confrontation between police and George Floyd—the headline of the police press release read “Man Dies After Medical Incident During Police Interaction”—excited delirium could have easily become part of the way that Floyd’s death was described, but for video of the incident and public outcry. See Eric Levenson, How Minneapolis Police First Described the Murder of George Floyd, and What We Know Now, CNN (Apr. 21, 2021), https://www.cnn.com/2021/04/21/us/minneapolis-police-george-floyd-death/index.html [https://perma.cc/6TQN-ZTGA]. Indeed, even after the video of Floyd’s murder and social unrest, excited delirium still emerged as a possible explanation of his death during Derek Chauvin’s trial. See Steve Karnowski, Explainer: Why ‘Excited Delirium’ Came Up at Chauvin Trial?, AP News (Apr. 19, 2021), https://apnews.com/article/health-death-of-george-floyd-trials-george-floyd-3b60b3930023a2668e7fc63f903fc3aa.

  16. Press Release, Am. Psychiatric Ass’n, Position Statement on Concerns About Use of the Term ‘Excited Delirium’ and Appropriate Medical Management in Out-of-Hospital Contexts (Dec. 2020), https://www.psychiatry.org/File%20Library/About-APA/Organization‌-Documents-Policies/Policies/Position-Use-of-Term-Excited-Delirium.pdf [https://perma.cc/2HVX-2X3N].

  17. Press Release, Am. Med. Ass’n, New AMA Policy Opposes ‘Excited Delirium’ Diagnosis (June 14, 2021), https://www.ama-assn.org/press-center/press-releases/new-ama-policy-opposes-excited-delirium-diagnosis [https://perma.cc/T9DP-6XPT].

  18. Michael de Yoanna & Rae Solomon, Medics in Colorado Dosed 902 People with Ketamine for ‘Excited Delirium’ in 2.5 Years, KUNC (July 21, 2020, 5:35 PM), https://www.kunc.org/news/2020-07-21/medics-in-colorado-dosed-902-people-with-ketamine-for-excited-delirium-in-2-5-years [https://perma.cc/5RUA-ZEJA].

  19. Lucy Tompkins, Here’s What You Need to Know About Elijah McClain’s Death, N.Y. Times (last updated Oct. 19, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/article/who-was-elijah-mcclain.html [https://perma.cc/6CTY-S438].

  20. Id.

  21. John Dickerson, Excited Delirium: The Controversial Syndrome That Can Be Used to Protect Police from Misconduct Charges, 60 Minutes (Dec. 13, 2020), https://www.cbsnews.com/news/excited-delirium-police-custody-george-floyd-60-minutes-2020-12-13/ [https://perma.cc/98HM-799S].

  22. Brian Maass, Ketamine Dose for Elijah McClain ‘Too Much,’ Says Anesthesiologist, CBS4 Denv. (July 7, 2020, 11:59 PM), https://denver.cbslocal.com/2020/07/07/elijah-mcclain-ketamine-aurora-police-anesthesiologist/ [https://perma.cc/5DR6-TNML] (“Multiple anesthesiologists are questioning the amount of Ketamine, a widely employed sedative, used on Elijah McClain just before he stopped breathing last August, with one doctor saying it was, ‘Too much, twice too much.’”).

Liberalism and Disagreement in American Constitutional Theory

For forty years, American constitutional theory has been viewed as a clash between originalists and non-originalists. This depiction misunderstands and oversimplifies the nature of the debate within constitutional theory. Although originalism and non-originalism describe important differences between families of constitutional methodologies, the foundations of the disagreement among theorists are the justifications that they offer for those methodologies, not the methodologies themselves. Once the debate is refocused on the justifications that theorists offer for their constitutional methodologies, it becomes clear that the debate within constitutional theory is ultimately a debate about liberalism as a political theory. Specifically, it is a debate about two propositions that are central to the liberal tradition: individualism and rationalism. Viewed in this way, constitutional theorists often thought to be opposed to each other are, in fact, allies in the debate over liberalism, even if they disagree about whether their shared theoretical premises imply an originalist or non-originalist methodology. Conversely, theorists often seen as allies profoundly disagree about the premises of their constitutional theories because they disagree about liberalism. Reorienting American constitutional theory to focus on the disagreement over liberalism will help us identify which constitutional theory is best and better understand the outcomes in important constitutional cases.

Introduction

The story of American constitutional theory over the last forty years has been the battle between originalism and non-originalism. In the academy, the field of constitutional theory has been organized into these two camps1.See, e.g., Lawrence B. Solum, The Constraint Principle: Original Meaning and Constitutional Practice 26 (Apr. 3, 2019) (unpublished manuscript) (on file with author), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2940215 [https://perma.cc/27DK-CPBY] (“normative constitutional theory is currently in a state of dialectical impasse” between originalists and non-originalists); Jack M. Balkin, Why Liberals and Conservatives Flipped on Judicial Restraint: Judicial Review in the Cycles of Constitutional Time, 98 Tex. L. Rev. 215, 245 (2019) (describing originalism and living constitutionalism as “the two major schools of modern constitutional theory”); David Singh Grewal & Jedediah Purdy, The Original Theory of Constitutionalism, 127 Yale L.J. 664, 666 (2018) (book review) (“The conflict between various versions of ‘originalism’ and ‘living constitutionalism’ has defined the landscape of constitutional theory and practice for more than a generation, and it shows no sign of abating.”); Joel K. Goldstein, History and Constitutional Interpretation: Some Lessons from the Vice Presidency, 69 Ark. L. Rev. 647, 647 (2016) (“In recent times, the principal demarcation in academic discussions of constitutional theory and judicial decision-making separates originalists and living constitutionalists.”); Louis J. Virelli III, Constitutional Traditionalism in the Roberts Court, 73 U. Pitt. L. Rev. 1, 11 (2011) (“Constitutional theory is often described as consisting of two distinct and entrenched camps: ‘living constitutionalism’ and ‘originalism.’”); David A. Strauss, The Living Constitution 7–49 (2010) (framing his argument in terms of originalism versus living constitutionalism); Thomas B. Colby & Peter J. Smith, Living Originalism, 59 Duke L.J. 239, 241 (2009) (“For the last several decades, the primary divide in American constitutional theory has been between those theorists who label themselves as ‘originalists’ and those who do not.”); Brannon P. Denning, Brother, Can You Paradigm?, 23 Const. Comment. 81, 81 (2006) (book review) (describing the debate between originalism and non-originalism as having “dominated constitutional theory since at least the mid-twentieth century”); Antonin Scalia, Common-Law Courts in a Civil-Law System: The Role of United States Federal Courts in Interpreting the Constitution and Laws, in A Matter of Interpretation: Federal Courts and the Law 3, 38 (Amy Gutmann ed., 1997) (“[T]he Great Divide with regard to constitutional interpretation is not that between Framers’ intent and objective meaning, but rather that between original meaning (whether derived from Framers’ intent or not) and current meaning.”); Michael P. Zuckert, The New Rawls and Constitutional Theory: Does It Really Taste That Much Better?, 11 Const. Comment. 227, 236 (1994); Robert H. Bork, The Tempting of America: The Political Seduction of the Law 251–59 (1990) (framing his argument in terms of originalism versus “revisionist” non-originalism).Show More since Paul Brest first coined the term “originalism” in 1980.2.Paul Brest, The Misconceived Quest for the Original Understanding, 60 B.U. L. Rev. 204, 204 (1980); see Lawrence B. Solum, Originalism and Constitutional Construction, 82 Fordham L. Rev. 453, 459 (2013) (identifying Brest’s 1980 article as having coined the term “originalism”).Show More In our politics, the originalism/non-originalism dichotomy has been a defining feature of judicial confirmation battles since the Reagan Administration.3.Johnathan O’Neill, Originalism in American Law and Politics: A Constitutional History 133–89 (2005).Show More The conflict between originalism and non-originalism has accordingly been described as “the great debate” in constitutional theory,4.Lawrence B. Solum, Originalism Versus Living Constitutionalism: The Conceptual Structure of the Great Debate, 113 Nw. U. L. Rev. 1243, 1244 (2019).Show More with the future of constitutional law depending on which side emerges triumphant.5.See, e.g., Strauss, supra note 1, at 12–18; Tobin Harshaw, Kennedy, Bork and the Politics of Judicial Destruction, N.Y. Times: Opinionator (Aug. 28, 2009, 7:23 PM), https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/08/28/weekend-opinionator-kennedy-bork-and-the-politics-of-judicial-destruction/ [https://perma.cc/3F28-XDP9] (describing Senator Ted Kennedy’s “Robert Bork’s America” speech).Show More This binary and zero-sum way of understanding American constitutional theory has been prominent in recent years, with Donald Trump’s three Supreme Court appointments seen as potentially ushering in a new era of originalist jurisprudence at the Court.6.See, e.g., Jess Bravin, Brent Kendall & Jacob Gershman, What Trump Pick Amy Coney Barrett Could Mean for Future of the Supreme Court, Wall St. J. (Sept. 26, 2020, 5:19 PM), https://www.wsj.com/articles/what-trump-pick-amy-coney-barrett-could-mean-for-future-of-the-supreme-court-11601155192 [https://perma.cc/P3R9-AKLS].Show More In both law and politics, then, understanding the debate within American constitutional theory as a battle between originalism and non-originalism—a way of understanding the debate that I will call the “Standard Approach” to constitutional theory—is so common that it is rarely questioned.7.But see Keith E. Whittington, Originalism: A Critical Introduction, 82 Fordham L. Rev. 375, 404 n.120 (2013) (“I wish it went without saying that I do not believe that constitutional theory can simply be reduced to this particular dichotomy between originalists and nonoriginalists.”).Show More

Yet, there is a general sense that, for all its fervor, the argument between originalists and non-originalists has become exhausted.8.Jonathan L. Marshfield, Amendment Creep, 115 Mich. L. Rev. 215, 224 (2016) (describing “the tired normative debate regarding the best method of constitutional interpretation”); Richard H. Fallon, Jr., The Many and Varied Roles of History in Constitutional Adjudication, 90 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1753, 1753 (2015) (describing “increasingly tired, stylized debates of the form ‘Originalism: For or Against?’”); William Baude, Is Originalism Our Law?, 115 Colum. L. Rev. 2349, 2351 (2015) (asserting that the debate over originalism is “at a standstill”); Brannon P. Denning, The New Doctrinalism in Constitutional Scholarship and District of Columbia v. Heller, 75 Tenn. L. Rev. 789, 794 (2008) (describing “the stalemated (and stale) debates between originalists and nonoriginalists”). Some might disagree and say that the debate remains fruitful, but even if one thinks the current debate is robust, my argument below should prompt a reevaluation of whether the current framing of the debate is the most productive form that the debate could take within constitutional theory, or whether instead we would be better served by reframing the debate in the manner suggested below. See infra Section II.C.Show More While the first few decades of the debate between originalists and non-originalists featured significant advances,9.See generally Keith E. Whittington, The New Originalism, 2 Geo. J.L. Pub. Pol’y 599 (2004) (describing the development of originalism in response to non-originalist criticisms in the 1980s and 1990s); see also O’Neill, supra note 3, at 133–216 (same).Show More recent developments have largely consisted—with rare exceptions10 10.William Baude and Stephen Sachs have recently proposed a genuinely novel argument in favor of originalism that relies on legal positivism. See Stephen E. Sachs, Originalism as a Theory of Legal Change, 38 Harv. J.L. Pub. Pol’y 817, 822–38 (2015); Baude, supra note 8, at 2363–91.Show More—of refinements of each side’s previous arguments.11 11.See Steven D. Smith, That Old-Time Originalism, in The Challenge of Originalism: Theories of Constitutional Interpretation 223, 224–42 (Grant Huscroft & Bradley W. Miller eds., 2011) (describing the increasingly abstruse refinements of originalist theory).Show More Many of these refinements are insightful and important, to be sure, but they have generally failed to change the contours of the debate.12 12.The development that arguably has changed the contours of the debate is the introduction of the interpretation/construction distinction, but that distinction has mostly tended to confuse the debate. See infra Subsection I.B.1.Show More

But what if we have been misunderstanding the nature of the debate within American constitutional theory? What if the fundamental disagreement within American constitutional theory is not between originalists and non-originalists, and our focus on that (though real and important) distinction has obscured our ability to see more profound areas of agreement and disagreement among theorists that transcend the originalism/non-originalism dichotomy? What if, in short, the Standard Approach is impeding constitutional theory?

I want to suggest that this is indeed the case. The debate within American constitutional theory is not, ultimately, about originalism and non-originalism; it is about liberalism. I do not mean “liberalism” as that term is understood in contemporary American political discourse, where the term “liberal” is associated with the Democratic Party and its policy proposals. Liberalism, as I am using the term, refers instead to a politico-theoretical tradition that has its roots in the Renaissance13 13.Anthony Arblaster, The Rise and Decline of Western Liberalism 95 (1984). Some might date the birth of liberalism to the immediate aftermath of the Renaissance, see John Gray, Liberalism, at xi, 9 (2d ed. 1995), though the distinction is somewhat arbitrary.Show More and includes among its foremost theorists figures like John Locke and John Stuart Mill.14 14.Alan Ryan, The Making of Modern Liberalism 21–26 (2012).Show More It could be argued that the American Constitution is a “liberal” constitution in this sense of the word,15 15.Patrick J. Deneen, Why Liberalism Failed 101 (2018); Gray, supra note 13, at 22–24.Show More since it was influenced by Lockean thought,16 16.Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America: An Interpretation of American Political Thought Since the Revolution 3–32 (reprt., 2d Harvest ed. 1991) (1955); Patrick J. Deneen, Better Than Our Philosophy: A Response to Muñoz, Pub. Discourse (Nov. 29, 2012), https://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2012/11/7156/ [https://perma.cc/VB83-7JVD]. The extent of Locke’s influence on the American Founding is, however, contested. See, e.g., Robert R. Reilly, For God and Country, XVII Claremont Rev. of Books 44, 47 (2017); Nathan Schlueter, Sustainable Liberalism, Pub. Discourse (Dec. 7, 2012), https://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2012/12/7322/ [https://perma.cc/5YUP-WJQ9].Show More and many in both the Republican and Democratic parties could be considered “liberals” insofar as they implicitly or explicitly begin from certain philosophical premises that are antecedent to their disagreements about things like marginal tax rates.17 17.Deneen, supra note 15, at 43–63.Show More My argument, then, is that the debate within American constitutional theory is, at its deepest level, a debate about political theory.

Specifically, it is a debate about some of the core philosophical propositions associated with the liberal tradition, and although there are undoubtedly many such propositions that are debated within American constitutional theory, the two most salient in that debate are individualism and rationalism. These are contested terms, and I will describe them more fully below.18 18.See infra Section II.A.Show More By “individualism,” I mean the view that the individual has primacy over society, in the sense that the obligation to obey political authority must be grounded in the individual’s choice to submit to that authority.19 19.See Yuval Levin, The Great Debate: Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, and the Birth of Right and Left 91–125 (2014); Arblaster, supra note 13, at 21–23.Show More The idea of individualism is well-captured by state-of-nature theorists in the liberal tradition, who derive political principles from a hypothetical world before the advent of government.20 20.See infra Subsection II.A.1.Show More Rationalism is closely related to this view and asserts the primacy of individual reason above all other sources of knowledge, such as tradition or custom.21 21.See infra Subsection II.A.2.Show More In Michael Oakeshott’s famous description, for a rationalist, “there is no opinion, no habit, no belief, nothing so firmly rooted or so widely held that he hesitates to question it and to judge it by what he calls his ‘reason.’”22 22.Michael Oakeshott, Rationalism in Politics, in Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays 5, 6 (1991).Show More These beliefs about the human person are controversial, and they are opposed by philosophical conservatism, among other intellectual traditions.23 23.As discussed below, I will assume, solely for the sake of clarity of presentation, that philosophical conservatism is distinct from liberalism. See infra Section II.A.Show More

The politico-theoretical debates about individualism and rationalism are, I will argue, at the core of the debates within American constitutional theory,24 24.See infra Section II.B.Show More and they reveal agreements and disagreements among theorists that cut across the originalism/non-originalism divide.25 25.See infra Section II.B.Show More Whereas Robert Bork (an originalist) and David Strauss (a non-originalist) might be thought of as polar opposites under the Standard Approach, they in fact share key philosophical premises, and, conversely, Bork and Jack Balkin, despite both being originalists under the Standard Approach, are in fact deeply opposed to each other philosophically.26 26.See infra Section II.C.Show More Recognizing these cross-cutting agreements and disagreements about the premises of constitutional theory will make it more likely that we will be able to identify which theories are sounder than others and provide us with insight into the deeper basis for disagreement among theorists about cases like Obergefell v. Hodges27 27.Obergefell v. Hodges, 576 U.S. 644 (2015); see infra Section II.C.Show More and, though arising in a statutory context, Bostock v. Clayton County.28 28.Bostock v. Clayton Cnty., 140 S. Ct. 1731 (2020); see infra Section III.A.Show More

For example, subsurface disagreements about liberalism explain why, at an intuitive level, it seems strange to classify Bork and Balkin as being part of the same school of thought: Bork and Balkin have radically opposed understandings of human reason. Balkin stakes the legitimacy of the Constitution on its ability to reflect human progress through changes in constitutional meaning, a faith in progress that assumes an exalted view of individual reason.29 29.See infra Section II.B.Show More By contrast, Bork’s anti-rationalism comes through in his skepticism of abstract theorizing and attempt to ground his theory in our constitutional tradition.30 30.See infra Section II.B.Show More These philosophical differences lead to an irreconcilable, intra-originalist methodological dispute: Balkin’s rationalistic theory leads him to a methodology that places minimal constraints on judges, while Bork’s anti-rationalism leads him to a methodology with a much more modest judicial role.31 31.See infra Section II.C.Show More Bork and Balkin are ultimately disagreeing about liberal rationalism, and in light of such a profound disagreement, the strangeness of thinking of them as allies becomes understandable.

But it is often difficult to see these unexpected areas of agreement and disagreement among theorists—and the important questions they raise—because of the focus on the originalism/non-originalism dichotomy that results from the Standard Approach. And this is a major reason—perhaps the reason—why constitutional theory has reached an impasse. The Standard Approach, by dividing constitutional theory into originalism and non-originalism, causes us to focus on methodologies—that is, decision procedures for adjudicating constitutional disputes—rather than focusing on the justifications that theorists offer for their methodologies.32 32.See infra Part I.Show More That is not to say that the Standard Approach ignores justifications; nor is it to say that theorists should cease categorizing theories as originalist or non-originalist. But viewing constitutional theory through a methodological lens causes debates about justifications to become distorted, with justifications being viewed as either originalist or non-originalist.33 33.See infra Part I.Show More Perhaps ironically, by focusing on methodologies, the Standard Approach prevents us from seeing the extent to which some theorists disagree about methodologies.34 34.See infra Section II.C.Show More A principal goal of this Article is to demonstrate the problems with the Standard Approach’s emphasis on methodologies and the advantages of a justifications-based approach to constitutional theory.

Indeed, since that is a threshold task, it is where this Article will begin. In Part I, I will describe the Standard Approach to constitutional theory and identify the two main problems with organizing the debate in constitutional theory around methodologies of constitutional adjudication rather than the justifications for those methodologies.

This sets up the argument of Part II, in which I will sketch a justifications-based approach to constitutional theory. Section II.A will provide a fuller account of individualism and rationalism, and Section II.B, in turn, will show that the premises of several major constitutional theories—both originalist and non-originalist—depend on the acceptance or rejection of these two liberal propositions. I will argue that individualism and rationalism are foundational to some constitutional theories, while anti-individualism and anti-rationalism are foundational to others, and the acceptance or rejection of these two liberal propositions, far from tracking the originalism/non-originalism dichotomy, transcends it. Section II.C will pull these strands of argument together and show that the benefit of a justifications-based approach to constitutional theory is that we can identify crucial areas of agreement and disagreement across the originalism/non-originalism divide, which makes it much more likely that theorists will be able to identify the best constitutional theory and better understand doctrinal disagreements.

Finally, Part III will address various objections and counterarguments that are best left for the end, such as the argument that a justifications-based approach would shift constitutional scholarship too far in the direction of political theory and away from doctrine.

American constitutional theory is too complex, and the stakes are too high, for any single idea to serve as a panacea, and I certainly do not claim to be offering one. But the Standard Approach makes progress in constitutional theory less likely, and after forty years, it is time to try a new approach.

  1. * Assistant Professor of Law, the Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law. I thank Richard Fallon, Jack Goldsmith, Jeff Pojanowski, Nelson Lund, Yuval Levin, Sherif Girgis, Alex Potapov, John Ohlendorf, and Henry Stephan for their comments on earlier drafts. I also thank Bonaventure Chapman, Melissa Lane, Philip Neri Reese, Dominic Verner, and the participants of the Catholic Law Faculty Research Series workshop for helpful conversations or email exchanges. Finally, I thank Steve Young and Tabitha Kempf for outstanding research assistance.
  2. See, e.g., Lawrence B. Solum, The Constraint Principle: Original Meaning and Constitutional Practice 26 (Apr. 3, 2019) (unpublished manuscript) (on file with author), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2940215 [https://perma.cc/27DK-CPBY] (“normative constitutional theory is currently in a state of dialectical impasse” between originalists and non-originalists); Jack M. Balkin, Why Liberals and Conservatives Flipped on Judicial Restraint: Judicial Review in the Cycles of Constitutional Time, 98 Tex. L. Rev. 215, 245 (2019) (describing originalism and living constitutionalism as “the two major schools of modern constitutional theory”); David Singh Grewal & Jedediah Purdy, The Original Theory of Constitutionalism, 127 Yale L.J. 664, 666 (2018) (book review) (“The conflict between various versions of ‘originalism’ and ‘living constitutionalism’ has defined the landscape of constitutional theory and practice for more than a generation, and it shows no sign of abating.”); Joel K. Goldstein, History and Constitutional Interpretation: Some Lessons from the Vice Presidency, 69 Ark. L. Rev. 647, 647 (2016) (“In recent times, the principal demarcation in academic discussions of constitutional theory and judicial decision-making separates originalists and living constitutionalists.”); Louis J. Virelli III, Constitutional Traditionalism in the Roberts Court, 73 U. Pitt. L. Rev. 1, 11 (2011) (“Constitutional theory is often described as consisting of two distinct and entrenched camps: ‘living constitutionalism’ and ‘originalism.’”); David A. Strauss, The Living Constitution 7–49 (2010) (framing his argument in terms of originalism versus living constitutionalism); Thomas B. Colby & Peter J. Smith, Living Originalism, 59 Duke L.J. 239, 241 (2009) (“For the last several decades, the primary divide in American constitutional theory has been between those theorists who label themselves as ‘originalists’ and those who do not.”); Brannon P. Denning, Brother, Can You Paradigm?, 23 Const. Comment. 81, 81 (2006) (book review) (describing the debate between originalism and non-originalism as having “dominated constitutional theory since at least the mid-twentieth century”); Antonin Scalia, Common-Law Courts in a Civil-Law System: The Role of United States Federal Courts in Interpreting the Constitution and Laws, in A Matter of Interpretation: Federal Courts and the Law 3, 38 (Amy Gutmann ed., 1997) (“[T]he Great Divide with regard to constitutional interpretation is not that between Framers’ intent and objective meaning, but rather that between original meaning (whether derived from Framers’ intent or not) and current meaning.”); Michael P. Zuckert, The New Rawls and Constitutional Theory: Does It Really Taste That Much Better?, 11 Const. Comment. 227, 236 (1994); Robert H. Bork, The Tempting of America: The Political Seduction of the Law 251–59 (1990) (framing his argument in terms of originalism versus “revisionist” non-originalism).
  3. Paul Brest, The Misconceived Quest for the Original Understanding, 60 B.U. L. Rev. 204, 204 (1980); see Lawrence B. Solum, Originalism and Constitutional Construction, 82 Fordham L. Rev. 453, 459 (2013) (identifying Brest’s 1980 article as having coined the term “originalism”).
  4. Johnathan O’Neill, Originalism in American Law and Politics: A Constitutional History 133–89 (2005).
  5. Lawrence B. Solum, Originalism Versus Living Constitutionalism: The Conceptual Structure of the Great Debate, 113 Nw. U. L. Rev. 1243, 1244 (2019).
  6. See, e.g., Strauss, supra note 1, at 12–18; Tobin Harshaw, Kennedy, Bork and the Politics of Judicial Destruction, N.Y. Times: Opinionator (Aug. 28, 2009, 7:23 PM), https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/08/28/weekend-opinionator-kennedy-bork-and-the-politics-of-judicial-destruction/ [https://perma.cc/3F28-XDP9] (describing Senator Ted Kennedy’s “Robert Bork’s America” speech).
  7. See, e.g., Jess Bravin, Brent Kendall & Jacob Gershman, What Trump Pick Amy Coney Barrett Could Mean for Future of the Supreme Court, Wall St. J. (Sept. 26, 2020, 5:19 PM), https://www.wsj.com/articles/what-trump-pick-amy-coney-barrett-could-mean-for-future-of-the-supreme-court-11601155192 [https://perma.cc/P3R9-AKLS].
  8. But see Keith E. Whittington, Originalism: A Critical Introduction, 82 Fordham L. Rev. 375, 404 n.120 (2013) (“I wish it went without saying that I do not believe that constitutional theory can simply be reduced to this particular dichotomy between originalists and nonoriginalists.”).
  9. Jonathan L. Marshfield, Amendment Creep, 115 Mich. L. Rev. 215, 224 (2016) (describing “the tired normative debate regarding the best method of constitutional interpretation”); Richard H. Fallon, Jr., The Many and Varied Roles of History in Constitutional Adjudication, 90 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1753, 1753 (2015) (describing “increasingly tired, stylized debates of the form ‘Originalism: For or Against?’”); William Baude, Is Originalism Our Law?, 115 Colum. L. Rev. 2349, 2351 (2015) (asserting that the debate over originalism is “at a standstill”); Brannon P. Denning, The New Doctrinalism in Constitutional Scholarship and District of Columbia v. Heller, 75 Tenn. L. Rev. 789, 794 (2008) (describing “the stalemated (and stale) debates between originalists and nonoriginalists”). Some might disagree and say that the debate remains fruitful, but even if one thinks the current debate is robust, my argument below should prompt a reevaluation of whether the current framing of the debate is the most productive form that the debate could take within constitutional theory, or whether instead we would be better served by reframing the debate in the manner suggested below. See infra Section II.C.
  10. See generally Keith E. Whittington, The New Originalism, 2 Geo. J.L. Pub. Pol’y 599 (2004) (describing the development of originalism in response to non-originalist criticisms in the 1980s and 1990s); see also O’Neill, supra note 3, at 133–216 (same).
  11. William Baude and Stephen Sachs have recently proposed a genuinely novel argument in favor of originalism that relies on legal positivism. See Stephen E. Sachs, Originalism as a Theory of Legal Change, 38 Harv. J.L. Pub. Pol’y 817, 822–38 (2015); Baude, supra note 8, at 2363–91.
  12. See Steven D. Smith, That Old-Time Originalism, in The Challenge of Originalism: Theories of Constitutional Interpretation 223, 224–42 (Grant Huscroft & Bradley W. Miller eds., 2011) (describing the increasingly abstruse refinements of originalist theory).
  13. The development that arguably has changed the contours of the debate is the introduction of the interpretation/construction distinction, but that distinction has mostly tended to confuse the debate. See infra Subsection I.B.1.
  14. Anthony Arblaster, The Rise and Decline of Western Liberalism 95 (1984). Some might date the birth of liberalism to the immediate aftermath of the Renaissance, see John Gray, Liberalism, at xi, 9 (2d ed. 1995), though the distinction is somewhat arbitrary.
  15. Alan Ryan, The Making of Modern Liberalism 21–26 (2012).
  16. Patrick J. Deneen, Why Liberalism Failed 101 (2018); Gray, supra note 13, at 22–24.
  17. Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America: An Interpretation of American Political Thought Since the Revolution 3–32 (reprt., 2d Harvest ed. 1991) (1955); Patrick J. Deneen, Better Than Our Philosophy: A Response to Muñoz, Pub. Discourse (Nov. 29, 2012), https://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2012/11/7156/ [https://perma.cc/VB83-7JVD]. The extent of Locke’s influence on the American Founding is, however, contested. See, e.g., Robert R. Reilly, For God and Country, XVII Claremont Rev. of Books 44, 47 (2017); Nathan Schlueter, Sustainable Liberalism, Pub. Discourse (Dec. 7, 2012), https://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2012/12/7322/ [https://perma.cc/5YUP-WJQ9].
  18. Deneen, supra note 15, at 43–63.
  19. See infra Section II.A.
  20. See Yuval Levin, The Great Debate: Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, and the Birth of Right and Left 91–125 (2014); Arblaster, supra note 13, at 21–23.
  21. See infra Subsection II.A.1.
  22. See infra Subsection II.A.2.
  23. Michael Oakeshott, Rationalism in Politics, in Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays 5, 6 (1991).
  24. As discussed below, I will assume, solely for the sake of clarity of presentation, that philosophical conservatism is distinct from liberalism. See infra Section II.A.
  25. See infra Section II.B.
  26. See infra Section II.B.
  27. See infra Section II.C.
  28. Obergefell v. Hodges, 576 U.S. 644 (2015); see infra Section II.C.
  29. Bostock v. Clayton Cnty., 140 S. Ct. 1731 (2020); see infra Section III.A.
  30. See infra Section II.B.
  31. See infra Section II.B.
  32. See infra Section II.C.
  33. See infra Part I.
  34. See infra Part I.
  35. See infra Section II.C.
  36. See David A. Strauss, What Is Constitutional Theory?, 87 Calif. L. Rev. 581, 582–83 (1999); Richard H. Fallon, Jr., How to Choose a Constitutional Theory, 87 Calif. L. Rev. 535, 537 (1999); Richard A. Posner, Against Constitutional Theory, 73 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1, 1–4 (1998). Although “adjudication” has a distinctively judicial connotation, I do not intend to exclude methodologies describing how the political branches should interpret the Constitution. See, e.g., Amy Coney Barrett & John Copeland Nagle, Congressional Originalism, 19 U. Pa. J. Const. L. 1, 9–13 (2016); see generally Joel Alicea, Stare Decisis in an Originalist Congress, 35 Harv. J.L. Pub. Pol’y 797 (2012).
  37. See, e.g., Lawrence Lessig, The Puzzling Persistence of Bellbottom Theory: What a Constitutional Theory Should Be, 85 Geo. L.J. 1837, 1838–39 (1997).
  38. I use the phrase “constitutional adjudication” rather than “constitutional interpretation” because, as discussed below, see infra Subsection I.B.1, some scholars have proposed distinguishing between constitutional “interpretation” and constitutional “construction.” By “adjudication,” I mean to encompass both “interpretation” and “construction,” as these theorists have used those terms.
  39. Andrew Coan, The Foundations of Constitutional Theory, 2017 Wis. L. Rev. 833, 835–36 (2017) (emphasis omitted). It is also consistent with how other theorists think about the elements of a constitutional theory. See Richard H. Fallon, Jr., Law and Legitimacy in the Supreme Court 132–33 (2018) (distinguishing between “methodological premises or commitments” that “seek to specify the criteria of decision that the Justices should, or at least legitimately can, apply” and “defense[s] on partly normative grounds” that “the embrace of an interpretive methodology requires”); Randy J. Kozel, Settled Versus Right: A Theory of Precedent 64 (2017) (similar). But see Stephen E. Sachs, Originalism: Standard and Procedure, 135 Harv. L. Rev. (forthcoming 2022) (arguing that originalism should not be understood as a decision procedure).
  40. James Bradley Thayer, The Origin and Scope of the American Doctrine of Constitutional Law, 7 Harv. L. Rev. 129, 144 (1893).
  41. Id.
  42. Id. at 134–35.
  43. See supra notes 1–2 and accompanying text.
  44. Coan, supra note 38, at 835 (noting that scholars have generally tended to focus on methodologies over justifications).
  45. Solum, supra note 4, at 1265–66.
  46. See, e.g., Larry Alexander, Simple-Minded Originalism, in The Challenge of Originalism, supra note 11, at 87; Larry Alexander & Saikrishna Prakash, “Is That English You’re Speaking?” Why Intention Free Interpretation is an Impossibility, 41 San Diego L. Rev. 967, 972, 982 (2004).
  47. See, e.g., Vasan Kesavan & Michael Stokes Paulsen, The Interpretive Force of the Constitution’s Secret Drafting History, 91 Geo. L.J. 1113, 1132 (2003); Scalia, supra note 1, at 38.
  48. See, e.g., John O. McGinnis & Michael B. Rappaport, Reconciling Originalism and Precedent, 103 Nw. U. L. Rev. 803, 829 (2009); Caleb Nelson, Stare Decisis and Demonstrably Erroneous Precedents, 87 Va. L. Rev. 1, 5–8 (2001).
  49. See, e.g., Gary Lawson, Mostly Unconstitutional: The Case Against Precedent Revisited, 5 Ave Maria L. Rev. 1, 5–8 (2007); Michael Stokes Paulsen, The Intrinsically Corrupting Influence of Precedent, 22 Const. Comment. 289, 289–98 (2005).
  50. See, e.g., Strauss, supra note 1, at 33–40; David A. Strauss, Common Law Constitutional Interpretation, 63 U. Chi. L. Rev. 877, 884–91 (1996).
  51. See, e.g., Ronald Dworkin, Law’s Empire 225–75 (1986).
  52. See, e.g., Stephen M. Griffin, Pluralism in Constitutional Interpretation, 72 Tex. L. Rev. 1753, 1758–62 (1994); Richard H. Fallon, Jr., A Constructivist Coherence Theory of Constitutional Interpretation, 100 Harv. L. Rev. 1189, 1209–23, 1240–46 (1987).
  53. Solum, supra note 2, at 460–61; see generally Solum, supra note 1, at 139. Solum also relies on the “Fixation Thesis” to define originalism, but as discussed below, that principle is not what primarily divides originalists from non-originalists. See infra Subsection I.B.1.
  54. See Griffin, supra note 51, at 1762–64.
  55. Solum, supra note 2, at 460–61; see also Solum, supra note 1, at 105–28.
  56. Solum, supra note 2, at 472–73; Solum, supra note 1, at 26–30.
  57. Coan, supra note 38, at 882–84.
  58. See generally Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (1999). For the history of the distinction generally and within originalism specifically, see Solum, supra note 2, at 467–69; Randy E. Barnett & Evan D. Bernick, The Letter and the Spirit: A Unified Theory of Originalism, 107 Geo. L.J. 1, 10–13 (2018).
  59. Lawrence B. Solum, The Interpretation-Construction Distinction, 27 Const. Comment. 95, 100 (2010). Although Solum has been the principal developer of the interpretation/construction distinction, it was introduced into constitutional theory by Professor Whittington, see Barnett & Bernick, supra note 57, at 10–11, whose understanding of the distinction was somewhat different from Solum’s.
  60. Lawrence B. Solum, Communicative Content and Legal Content, 89 Notre Dame L. Rev. 479, 502 (2013).
  61. Solum, supra note 58, at 99.
  62. Id. at 103.
  63. Id. at 104–06.
  64. Id. at 103 n.19.
  65. Id. at 104–05.
  66. See Antonin Scalia & Bryan A. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 13–15 (2012); Gary Lawson, Dead Document Walking, 92 B.U. L. Rev. 1225, 1231–36 (2012); John O. McGinnis & Michael B. Rappaport, Original Methods Originalism: A New Theory of Interpretation and the Case Against Construction, 103 Nw. U. L. Rev. 751, 772–80 (2009); see also Smith, supra note 11, at 227–42 (increasingly abstract distinctions within originalism take away from the attractive simplicity of originalism).
  67. See generally Barnett & Bernick, supra note 57 (tracing the history of these concepts within originalism); Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (2011); Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Interpretation: Textual Meaning, Original Intent, and Judicial Review (1999); Whittington, supra note 57.
  68. Solum, supra note 58, at 116–17; see also Barnett & Bernick, supra note 57, at 14.
  69. Solum, supra note 58, at 116–17; see also Barnett & Bernick, supra note 57, at 14.
  70. Solum, supra note 1, at 16; Solum, supra note 2, at 472–73. Barnett has recently argued that the range of permissible theories of constitutional construction is narrower than he had previously recognized. See Barnett & Bernick, supra note 57, at 14 & n.58. But Barnett’s view has not been broadly accepted by other originalists (at least not yet), so as things now stand, my description of the upshot of the interpretation/construction distinction remains true.
  71. Solum, supra note 1, at 16; see also Sachs, supra note 10, at 831–32 (”Most everyone accepts that some kind of original meaning is legally relevant sometimes.”); Mitchell N. Berman, Originalism Is Bunk, 84 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1, 32–33 (2009). But see Lawrence B. Solum, The Fixation Thesis: The Role of Historical Fact in Original Meaning, 91 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1, 62–70 (2015) (arguing that some non-originalist theories deny the Fixation Thesis).
  72. Barnett & Bernick, supra note 57, at 15–17; see Solum, supra note 2, at 499–523 (arguing that the construction zone is substantial).
  73. Solum, supra note 58, at 117. As noted above, Solum seems to have retreated from that view in later writings. See Solum, supra note 4, at 1284.
  74. Peter J. Smith, How Different Are Originalism and Non-Originalism?, 62 Hastings L.J. 707, 723 & n.94 (2011) (collecting sources making similar observations); see also Thomas B. Colby, The Sacrifice of the New Originalism, 99 Geo. L.J. 713, 750 (2011) (modern originalism mirrors non-originalism in practice).
  75. See, e.g., Joel Alicea, Originalism and the Rule of the Dead, Nat’l Affs., Spring 2015, at 149, https://www.nationalaffairs.com/publications/detail/originalism-and-the-rule-of-the-dead [https://perma.cc/9F5A-M77L]; Smith, supra note 11, at 230–33; Nelson Lund, Living Originalism: The Magical Mystery Tour, 3 Tex. A&M L. Rev. 31, 43 (2015).
  76. Colby & Smith, supra note 1, at 258 (2009).
  77. Balkin, supra note 66. I will describe Balkin’s theory in more detail below. See infra Subsections II.B.1–2.
  78. Balkin, supra note 66, at 20.
  79. Id. at 35–39, 282.
  80. Id. at 21–34, 282.
  81. Balkin’s thin view of constitutional interpretation is dictated by the justification he offers for his theory. See infra Section II.C.
  82. Balkin, supra note 66, at 12–49; Solum, supra note 4, at 1282–83; Lund, supra note 74, at 32–36.
  83. Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973); see generally Jack M. Balkin, Abortion and Original Meaning, 24 Const. Comment. 291 (2007) (arguing that the right to abortion is consistent with the original meaning of the Constitution).
  84. Wickard v. Filburn, 317 U.S. 111 (1942); see Jack M. Balkin, Commerce, 109 Mich. L. Rev. 1, 34–35 (2010); Balkin, supra note 66, at 164–65.
  85. See United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549, 584–602 (1995) (Thomas, J., concurring) (arguing that Wickard has no basis in the original meaning of the Constitution); Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833, 979–1002 (1992) (Scalia, J., concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part) (arguing that Roe has no basis in the original meaning of the Constitution).
  86. Solum, supra note 4, at 1282–84.
  87. Solum, supra note 1, at 20 n.55.
  88. See Stephen E. Sachs, Originalism Without Text, 127 Yale L.J. 156, 165–66 (2017); Smith, supra note 11, at 230–33.
  89. Solum, supra note 4, at 1254.
  90. Lawrence B. Solum, What Is Originalism? The Evolution of Contemporary Originalist Theory, in The Challenge of Originalism, supra note 11, at 12, 32.
  91. Though some have tried. See supra note 65.
  92. See, e.g., Alicea, supra note 74, at 154–61.
  93. Compare Randy E. Barnett, Am I “Imperiling” Originalism? A Reply to Joel Alicea, Volokh Conspiracy (Mar. 30, 2015), https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/volokh-conspiracy/wp/2015/03/30/am-i-imperiling-originalism/ [https://perma.cc/Q4BU-MJ5Z] (responding to Alicea’s article which criticizes Barnett’s view of originalism), with Joel Alicea, “Yes, You are Imperiling Originalism:” A Response to Professor Barnett, Volokh Conspiracy (Apr. 4, 2015), https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/volokh-conspiracy/wp/2015/04/04/yes-you-are-imperiling-originalism-a-response-to-professor-barnett/ [https://perma.cc/25S6-RE75] (refuting perceived similarities between his view of originalism and Barnett’s).
  94. See Solum, supra note 4, at 1244–48.
  95. See id. at 1247–48.
  96. See Smith, supra note 73, at 729–30.
  97. See supra note 35.
  98. Fallon, supra note 38, at 136–37.
  99. Id. at 137.
  100. Id. at 142–48.
  101. See, e.g., Berman, supra note 70, at 4–8; Mark. S. Stein, Originalism and Original Exclusions, 98 Ky. L.J. 397, 397–406 (2009–2010).
  102. See, e.g., Whittington, supra note 9, at 599.
  103. Of course, as pluralist theories of constitutional adjudication like Fallon’s demonstrate, the question of whether there is a correct methodology of constitutional adjudication is distinct from the question of whether there are correct (or at least privileged) modalities of constitutional adjudication, though one must answer the latter question to determine which methodology is correct. See Fallon, supra note 51, at 1209–17 (arguing, in the context of an article justifying a pluralist methodology, that originalism errs by privileging text and history over other modalities).
  104. Some theorists would answer “no.” See, e.g., Richard A. Posner, Legal Pragmatism Defended, 71 U. Chi. L. Rev. 683, 683–84 (2004); see also Solum, supra note 1, at 122–26 (describing theories that reject a single methodology of adjudication).
  105. Even if I am wrong about this, the principal goal of constitutional theorists is, at the very least, to describe and justify the best subset of methodologies of constitutional adjudication, even if there is no single correct theory. My argument in the rest of this Section would remain valid under this more modest description of constitutional theory’s goal.
  106. Kozel, supra note 38, at 64 (“Normative commitments are the paths to interpretive methodology.”).
  107. See John Rawls, Political Liberalism 133–72 (expanded ed. 1996). I thank John Ohlendorf for pointing out this important objection.
  108. See Michael W. McConnell, Textualism and the Dead Hand of the Past, 66 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 1127, 1128 (1998).
  109. See infra Subsection II.B.1.
  110. See supra Subsection I.B.1.
  111. See John D. Arras, Methods in Bioethics: The Way We Reason Now 192–96 (James Childress & Matthew Adams eds., 2017) (making a similar argument about the possibility of an overlapping consensus in bioethics).
  112. John Rawls, A Theory of Justice 17–18, 42–45 (rev. ed. 1999).
  113. Id. at 18.
  114. See Fallon, supra note 38, at 142–48; Richard H. Fallon, Jr., Arguing in Good Faith About the Constitution: Ideology, Methodology, and Reflective Equilibrium, 84 U. Chi. L. Rev. 123, 139–44 (2017); Fallon, supra note 35, at 576 n.224.
  115. See Solum, supra note 1, at 30–35. Solum, for instance, employs it only for justifying the Constraint Principle, and he does not use canonical cases as part of his equilibrium analysis. See id. at 83–86.
  116. Arras, supra note 110, at 197–200. This implicates deep questions about how we know whether something is true, which is beyond the scope of this Article.
  117. Id. at 192–96. I understand Solum to be making the same point. See Solum, supra note 1, at 33–35.
  118. This was Rawls’s aim, Arras, supra note 110, at 194–95, and it appears to be Solum’s as well. See Solum, supra note 1, at 34–35.
  119. See, e.g., John O. McGinnis & Michael B. Rappaport, Originalism and the Good Constitution 1–115 (2013); Strauss, supra note 1, at 1–50; Randy E. Barnett, Restoring the Lost Constitution: The Presumption of Liberty 1–88 (2004); Whittington, supra note 66, at 47–159.
  120. See, e.g., Adrian Vermeule, Common Law Constitutionalism and the Limits of Reason, 107 Colum. L. Rev. 1482 (2007); Fallon, supra note 38, at 1–19; Richard H. Fallon, Jr., Legitimacy and the Constitution, 118 Harv. L. Rev. 1787 (2005).
  121. Smith, supra note 11, at 227–30 (warning of the dangers of increasing levels of abstraction in constitutional theory); see also Bork, supra note 1, at 133–35 (same).
  122. For example, although I describe Locke as an individualist, some would disagree with that description. See Ruth W. Grant, John Locke on Custom’s Power and Reason’s Authority, 74 Rev. Pol. 607, 608 n.2 (2012) (cataloguing contrasting views about whether Lockeanism is individualistic). And while I put forward an interpretation of Mill, “what the liberalism is that [Mill] defends and how [he] defends it remain matters of controversy.” Ryan, supra note 14, at 292.
  123. Ryan, supra note 14, at 23.
  124. Id. at 21; see also Jeremy Waldron, Theoretical Foundations of Liberalism, 37 Phil. Q. 127, 127–28 (1987) (the term “liberalism” includes a range of views without “any set of doctrines or principles that are held in common”).
  125. Assuming, that is, that I have successfully shown that justifications, rather than methodologies, are the fundamental areas of disagreement in constitutional theory. See supra Subsection I.B.2.
  126. This is partly because conservatism is itself a contested concept. See, e.g., Samuel P. Huntington, Conservatism as an Ideology, 51 Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. 454, 454–61 (1957).
  127. See, e.g., Levin, supra note 19, at xvi; Pierre Manent, An Intellectual History of Liberalism 80 (Rebecca Balinski trans., 1994); Gray, supra note 13, at 20; Guido de Ruggiero, The History of European Liberalism 78–84 (R.G. Collingwood trans., Beacon Press 1959) (1927).
  128. See generally Sanford Lakoff, Tocqueville, Burke, and the Origins of Liberal Conservatism, 60 Rev. of Pol. 435, 442–46 (1998).
  129. Ryan, supra note 14, at 24.
  130. Roger Scruton, The Meaning of Conservatism 182–94 (3d ed. Palgrave 2001) (1980).
  131. See, e.g., Deneen, supra note 15, at 1–42; Yuval Levin, After Progressivism, First Things (May 2012), https://www.firstthings.com/article/2012/05/after-progressivism [https://perma.cc/U45J-Y2S7].
  132. Levin, supra note 130.
  133. Waldron, supra note 123, at 140 (“[L]iberalism is not a monolithic tradition.”).
  134. Gray, supra note 13, at xiii; see also D.J. Manning, Liberalism 13 (1976) (noting persistent themes throughout the differing strains of liberalism).
  135. Ryan, supra note 14, at 23–40. So did Waldron. See Waldron, supra note 123, at 129–40.
  136. Arblaster, supra note 13, at 13 (emphasis omitted).
  137. My analysis in this Article was developed independently of Coan’s and differs from his important project in several ways. To take just two examples: (1) he does not argue against the Standard Approach, choosing instead to argue in favor of more attention to justifications; and (2) he organizes justifications based on types of arguments (e.g., whether a justification is procedural in nature) rather than on whether theorists agree or disagree about particular substantive claims, such as individualism or rationalism.
  138. See Coan, supra note 38, at 840.
  139. Arblaster, supra note 13, at 15.
  140. See id. at 15–54; Gray, supra note 13, at xii; see also Deneen, supra note 15, at 31–34, 43–63; Kenneth Minogue, The Liberal Mind 46–52 (Liberty Fund, Inc. 2000) (1963); Scruton, supra note 129, at 64–66; C.B. Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke 1 (1962).
  141. John Finnis, Natural Law & Natural Rights 198–210 (2d ed. 2011) (rights-talk, though modern, is simply a useful way of describing the demands of justice in the natural-law tradition); see also Russell Hittinger, The First Grace: Rediscovering the Natural Law in a Post-Christian World 115–16 (2002) (noting that classical lawyers saw justice as the giving of rights due); Gray, supra note 13, at 6.
  142. Arblaster, supra note 13, at 21–23.
  143. Id. at 40–41.
  144. Levin, supra note 19, at 91–125.
  145. John Locke, The Second Treatise of Government, in The Second Treatise of Government and a Letter Concerning Toleration 2–7 (Tom Crawford ed., Dover Publ’ns, Inc. 2002) (1946); see also Levin, supra note 19, at 44–52; Thomas Paine, Rights of Man, in Collected Writings 464–65 (Eric Foner ed., 1995).
  146. Locke, supra note 144, at 2–10; see also L.T. Hobhouse, Liberalism 20–21 (1911). Locke’s description of the state of nature is complicated, see Macpherson, supra note 139, at 240–41, and I have oversimplified for present purposes.
  147. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discourse on the Origin and Foundation of Inequality Among Men, or Second Discourse, in Rousseau: The Discourses and Other Early Political Writings 115, 145–46, 149 (Victor Gourevitch ed. & trans., 1997).
  148. Locke, supra note 144, at 35–38; Manent, supra note 126, at 44; Manning, supra note 133, at 121. Nonetheless, Deneen has argued that Locke’s conception of familial relations is individualistic and anti-social. See, e.g., Deneen, supra note 15, at 32–33.
  149. Manent, supra note 126, at 42.
  150. Id. at 48.
  151. Id.; Locke, supra note 144, at 8–10, 44.
  152. Locke, supra note 144, at 44–45; Gray, supra note 13, at 13–14.
  153. Locke, supra note 144, at 44.
  154. Id. at 57–59.
  155. Rawls, supra note 111, at 10.
  156. Id. at 10–19, 118–30; Ryan, supra note 14, at 509.
  157. On the individualism of Rawls’s theory, see Michael J. Sandel, Liberalism and the Limits of Justice 59–65 (1982).
  158. Gray, supra note 13, at 30; Hobhouse, supra note 145, at 43.
  159. Ryan, supra note 14, at 318; Manning, supra note 133, at 13.
  160. Ryan, supra note 14, at 318; John Stuart Mill, On Liberty, in On Liberty and Other Writings 1, 75 (Stefan Collini ed., 1989).
  161. See Mill, supra note 159, at 14 (“I regard utility as the ultimate appeal on all ethical questions.”); Ryan, supra note 14, at 263–64.
  162. See Ryan, supra note 14, at 262 (observing that Mill “advanced a much enlarged role for government and public opinion alike” with respect to enforcing parental responsibilities); Gray, supra note 13, at 29–30; Hobhouse, supra note 145, at 25–26.
  163. Arblaster, supra note 13, at 41–43.
  164. Mill, supra note 159, at 15.
  165. Id. at 5; see also id. at 8–9 (describing the tyranny of public opinion).
  166. See infra Subsection II.A.2. There is, therefore, a close connection between Mill’s individualism and rationalism.
  167. Mill, supra note 159, at 13.
  168. Id.
  169. Ryan, supra note 14, at 362.
  170. Id.; Mill, supra note 159, at 13. One might object that I have defined liberalism solely based on the English liberal tradition and that other liberal traditions, such as the French tradition, are not as individualistic. See Larry Siedentop, Two Liberal Traditions, in The Idea of Freedom: Essays in Honour of Isaiah Berlin 153, 153–56 (Alan Ryan ed., 1979). Such a clean division between English and French liberalism is contested. See Gray, supra note 13, at 22–23; Ruggiero, supra note 126, at 347. In any event, nothing important would change about my argument if the reader chose to substitute “English liberalism” for “liberalism” throughout this text.
  171. Mill, supra note 159, at 56–74 (arguing for the primacy of individuality); see also Gray, supra note 13, at 29 (In On Liberty, “Mill’s commitment to liberal individualism is much more prominent than his commitment to Utilitarian social reform.”); Macpherson, supra note 139, at 2 (describing the utilitarian doctrine as a restatement of individualist principles); Hobhouse, supra note 145, at 112, 120.
  172. Deneen, supra note 15, at 46–47; see also id. at 16–18, 43–63 (arguing that individualism and statism reinforce each other). Others have made similar arguments or observations, with Macpherson’s argument being among the most detailed. See Macpherson, supra note 139, at 255–57 (arguing that individualism and collectivism reinforce each other and that Locke’s individualism requires the role of the state); see also Scruton, supra note 129, at 38–41; Manning, supra note 133, at 53. That being said, I do not mean to suggest that the transition from state-of-nature theories to Mill is seamless; they differ in important ways. See, e.g., Ryan, supra note 14, at 310–11; Gray, supra note 13, at 29–30. I am only arguing that they share a commitment to individualism.
  173. Jed Rubenfeld has noted this connection between individualism and the severing of intergenerational relations, though he seems to think that the breakdown in intergenerational relations precedes individualism rather than vice-versa. See Jed Rubenfeld, Freedom and Time: A Theory of Constitutional Self-Government 22–26, 68–70 (2001).
  174. Locke, supra note 144, at 23–35. Although he was writing about democracy, not liberalism per se, Tocqueville’s description of the way in which individualism leads to a severing of relationships between generations is applicable here. See 2 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America 99 (Phillips Bradley ed., Henry Reeve trans., Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. 1945) (“Thus not only does democracy make every man forget his ancestors, but it hides his descendants and separates his contemporaries from him . . . .”).
  175. Locke, supra note 144, at 54; see also Paine, supra note 144, at 438–41 (arguing against intergenerational authority).
  176. Mill, supra note 159, at 56–74.
  177. Scruton, supra note 129, at 10; see also Gray, supra note 13, at 80 (conservatives “mostly repudiated the abstract individualism they found in liberal thought and rejected liberal ideas of civil society in favour of conceptions of moral community”).
  178. See Levin, supra note 19, at 101–08 (arguing that Burke’s account of political authority was not based on consent).
  179. Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France 52 (J.G.A. Pocock ed., Hackett Publ’g Co. 1987) (1789–1790).
  180. Levin, supra note 19, at 54.
  181. Scruton, supra note 129, at 19–21 (arguing that conservatism rejects social-contract theory).
  182. Burke, supra note 178, at 52; see also Levin, supra note 19, at 101–08 (describing Burke’s objections to the liberal notion of a state of nature); Scruton, supra note 129, at 19–21 (arguing against the state of nature hypothetical).
  183. Thomas Aquinas, De Regno, in St Thomas Aquinas: Political Writings 5, 5–6 (R.W. Dyson ed. & trans., Cambridge Univ. Press 2002) (Bk. I, ch. 1); see also Aristotle, The Politics, in Aristotle: The Politics and the Constitution of Athens 13 (Stephen Everson ed., B. Jowett trans., 1996) (Bk. I.2) (“Hence it is evident that the state is a creation of nature, and that man is by nature a political animal.”); see also Deneen, supra note 15, at 34–35 (describing premodern political thought); Arblaster, supra note 13, at 22–23. For an insightful and somewhat revisionist discussion of Burke’s importance to natural-law thinking, see Matthew D. Wright, A Vindication of Politics: On the Common Good and Human Flourishing 120–58 (2019). But see Huntington, supra note 125, at 459 n.6 (asserting that “any theory of natural law as a set of transcendent and universal moral principles is inherently nonconservative”); see also 1 F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism 66–88 (W.W. Bartley III ed., Univ. of Chicago Press 1991) (1988).
  184. Levin, supra note 19, at 101–09.
  185. Scruton, supra note 129, at 45–48; 1 G.K. Chesterton, Orthodoxy, in The Collected Works of G.K. Chesterton 251 (David Dooley ed., 1986) (1908) (“We will have the dead at our councils. The ancient Greeks voted by stones; these shall vote by tombstones.”).
  186. Burke, supra note 178, at 84.
  187. Id. at 85.
  188. Locke, supra note 144, at 23–35.
  189. Burke, supra note 178, at 30; see also id. at 27–33; Scruton, supra note 129, at 21–24, 129–31.
  190. Levin, supra note 19, at 214–19.
  191. Locke, supra note 144, at 54–57; see also Levin, supra note 19, at 95–96 (describing this feature of Paine’s theory).
  192. Burke, supra note 178, at 29–31.
  193. Arblaster, supra note 13, at 23.
  194. See Minogue, supra note 139, at 56–59 (stating that there is no necessary connection between liberalism and rationalism (what he calls “libertarianism”), while noting that it is nonetheless a key component of the liberal tradition). Ryan, for instance, implies that the classical liberal tradition associated with Locke takes a more modest view of human reason, see Ryan, supra note 14, at 24–26, and Arblaster points out that liberalism has always contained more- and less-rationalist veins, see Arblaster, supra note 13, at 79–84.
  195. See Minogue, supra note 139, at 27 (drawing this distinction).
  196. See Peter Markie, Rationalism vs. Empiricism, Stan. Encyclopedia of Phil. (July 6, 2017), https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/rationalism-empiricism/#Bib [https://perma.cc/9R8K-YFPE]; see also Adam Adatto Sandel, The Place of Prejudice: A Case for Reasoning Within the World 24–33 (2014) (describing Descartes as a rationalist in the sense that I invoke here).
  197. Oakeshott, supra note 22, at 5–6.
  198. Minogue, supra note 139, at 54–55; Hayek, supra note 182, at 48–52. A similar description of rationalism is found in then-Pope Benedict XVI’s Regensburg Address. See generally Pope Benedict XVI, Faith, Reason, and the University, in A Reason Open to God 7, 7–19 (J. Steven Brown ed., 2013).
  199. Mill, supra note 159, at 23.
  200. Id.
  201. Id. at 58.
  202. Id. (emphasis added).
  203. Id. at 59.
  204. Id. at 14.
  205. Id. at 23, 45; see also Manning, supra note 133, at 53–55.
  206. Ryan, supra note 14, at 267.
  207. Mill, supra note 159, at 70.
  208. Id.; see also Deneen, supra note 15, at 143–48 (describing Mill’s hostility toward custom and tradition).
  209. Minogue, supra note 139, at 54-55 (describing the union of rationalism—what he calls “libertarianism”—and a progressive view of history); Hobhouse, supra note 145, at 49–50, 53.
  210. See John Dewey, The Influence of Darwin on Philosophy, in The Influence of Darwin on Philosophy and Other Essays in Contemporary Thought 1, 9–19 (1910); see also Bradley C. S. Watson, Living Constitution, Dying Faith: Progressivism and the New Science of Jurisprudence 55–109 (2009); Gray, supra note 13, at 88 (recognizing the connection between Mill’s anthropology and theory of history). But see Ryan, supra note 14, at 318 (arguing that Mill had a less optimistic view of human nature than Dewey).
  211. A very similar dynamic can be seen in Paine’s writings. See Levin, supra note 19, at 150–68 (describing the rationalism of Paine). For a discussion of this view of the relationship between history and progress, see generally Herbert Butterfield, The Whig Interpretation of History (photo. reprt. 1978) (1931).
  212. Arblaster, supra note 13, at 35–37 (describing two strands of liberal tradition regarding human reason, with one being more rationalist); see also Ryan, supra note 14, at 25–26 (same). Hayek, for example, argues that Locke does not subscribe to this strong form of rationalism. See Hayek, supra note 182, at 49. But see Grant, supra note 121, at 616–21, 623 (describing Locke’s rationalism). As noted above, one could argue that Burke, Hayek, and Tocqueville are part of the liberal tradition, in which case they would be examples of liberal theories that reject rationalism.
  213. See Levin, supra note 19, at 150–68 (describing Paine’s rationalism).
  214. Grant, supra note 121, at 616–21, 623 (describing Locke’s rationalism); see also John Dunn, The Political Thought of John Locke: An Historical Account of the Argument of the “Two Treatises of Government” 116 (1969) (describing Locke’s move from the state of nature to political society as “rationalistic and abstract”).
  215. See Deneen, supra note 15, at 72–77 (describing the state of nature as being divorced from tradition and custom); Grant, supra note 121, at 610–16 (describing Locke’s view on the influence of custom, especially within a family).
  216. Rawls, supra note 111, at 118–19.
  217. Waldron, supra note 123, at 135; see also id. at 149–50 (explicitly distinguishing liberalism and conservatism on this basis); Deneen, supra note 15, at 25–27 (describing liberalism as a being defined in part by its disregard for culture and tradition).
  218. Arblaster, supra note 13, at 79–84.
  219. Scruton, supra note 129, at 31. See also Minogue, supra note 139, at 53. Hayek articulates a similar idea in his landmark essay on the problem of knowledge. See generally F.A. Hayek, The Use of Knowledge in Society, 35 Am. Econ. Rev. 519 (1945).
  220. Scruton, supra note 129, at 31–32.
  221. Hayek, supra note 182, at 23.
  222. Id.
  223. Burke, supra note 178, at 76.
  224. Id. at 35.
  225. Id. at 33.
  226.  Id. at 31–36; see also Levin, supra note 19, at 128–50. Deneen argues that Burkean conservatism is properly viewed as the antithesis of Millian liberalism. See Deneen, supra note 15, at 143–48.
  227. Levin, supra note 19, at 134.
  228. Minogue, supra note 139, at 30, 35–38.
  229. As we will see, David Strauss’s constitutional theory is individualistic but purports to reject rationalism. See infra Section II.B.
  230. Alicea, supra note 74, at 151–54; see also Rubenfeld, supra note 172, at 45–73. That is why rejecting any form of intergenerational authority necessarily requires rejecting the authority of the American Constitution, no matter how interpreted. See Louis Michael Seidman, On Constitutional Disobedience 11–28 (2012); McConnell, supra note 107, at 1127. For a discussion of the role of rationalism in British constitutional culture, see generally Graham Gee & Grégoire Webber, Rationalism in Public Law, 76 Modern L. Rev. 708 (2013).
  231. McConnell, supra note 107, at 1128.
  232. Rubenfeld, supra note 172, at 43 (“[T]o an extraordinary extent, the Jeffersonian thesis [that the earth belongs to the living] remains the dominant starting point for modern democratic and constitutional theory.”).
  233. Barnett, supra note 118, at 9–10.
  234. Randy E. Barnett, Our Republican Constitution: Securing the Liberty and Sovereignty of We the People 69–73 (2016).
  235. Barnett, supra note 118, at 11.
  236. Id. at 14–25.
  237. Id. at 14–19, 22–25.
  238. Id. at 19–22.
  239. By legitimacy, Barnett means legitimacy as a moral concept. See Fallon, supra note 119, at 1796–1801.
  240. Barnett, supra note 233, at 74. Rawls offered a similar principle of legitimacy. See Rawls, supra note 106, at 217.
  241. Barnett, supra note 118, at 44.
  242. Id.
  243. Id. at 100–13.
  244. Barnett’s justification has undergone refinement over the years and now stretches across three books. My description of his theory is an attempt to synthesize his refinements in his later works with his earlier writings.
  245. Barnett, supra note 118, at 19–22.
  246. Id. at 114 (“[W]e are bound to respect the original meaning of a text, not by the dead hand of the past, but because we today—right here, right now—profess our commitment to this written Constitution.”).
  247. Mill, supra note 159, at 14.
  248. Balkin, supra note 66, at 59–61, 66–67, 76–77, 93, 114. Balkin also discusses “basic law,” but I focus on the “higher law” and “our law” components of his theory because they are the most relevant to my point here.
  249. Id. at 62.
  250. Id. at 63.
  251. Id. at 62–63.
  252. Id. at 62, 78–79.
  253. Id. at 64.
  254. Id. at 29–34, 282, 300–19; see also Solum, supra note 4, at 1282–83; Lund, supra note 74, at 32–36.
  255. Balkin, supra note 66, at 56–57, 63. In this limited sense, Balkin disagrees with Strauss, see id. at 49–58, but both theories are ultimately grounded in individualism.
  256. Id. at 56–57, 64, 281–82; Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption 54 (2011).
  257. Balkin, supra note 66, at 75 (defining redemptive constitutionalism).
  258. It is important to note, however, that Balkin concedes that constitutional redemption is not guaranteed. Id. at 76; see also Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Rot, in Can It Happen Here?: Authoritarianism in America 19, 19–35 (Cass R. Sunstein ed., 2018) (asserting that republics are susceptible to constitutional rot and patterns of success are not guaranteed to continue). Thus, while he has a Millian faith in human progress, he does not seem to carry that belief as far as some Progressives, who view social progress as inevitable. See Balkin, supra note 255, at 8.
  259. David A. Strauss, Common Law, Common Ground, and Jefferson’s Principle, 112 Yale L.J. 1717, 1718 (2003).
  260. Strauss, supra note 49, at 928 & n.116; see also Strauss, supra note 1, at 18, 44, 100–01 (questioning why people from a different era should decide fundamental questions about our society today).
  261. Strauss, supra note 258, at 1724.
  262. Indeed, Strauss describes and rejects this conservative view. See Strauss, supra note 49, at 891 (asserting that the past is not “somehow constitutive of one’s own or one’s nation’s ‘identity’”).
  263. Strauss emphasizes that the precedents that his common-law methodology takes into account are not limited to judicial precedents, see id. at 925, but I use the term “judicial precedent” here because it is easier to understand his point when thinking about the judicial context.
  264. See David A. Strauss, The Supreme Court 2014 Term—Foreword: Does the Constitution Mean What It Says?, 129 Harv. L. Rev. 2, 2–5, 28–52 (2015).
  265. Strauss, supra note 49, at 906–11.
  266. Strauss, supra note 1, at 51–97; Strauss, supra note 49, at 898–906, 916–24.
  267. Strauss, supra note 1, at 12–18.
  268. Id. at 40–42; Strauss, supra note 49, at 891–98.
  269. Strauss, supra note 1, at 100 (emphasis added).
  270. I will discuss Strauss’s epistemological basis for his methodology in more detail below, see infra Subsection II.B.2, but he stresses that his epistemological argument is not based on the authority of the past. See Strauss, supra note 49, at 891–98.
  271. McConnell, supra note 107, at 1130–31. McConnell presents this as a possible response to the dead-hand argument, but he makes clear later in his article that it is, in fact, his own view. See id. at 1133–35, 1140.
  272. Id. at 1134.
  273. Id.
  274. See id. at 1136; see also Alicea, supra note 74, at 152–54 (asserting that recognizing the authority of predecessors’ judgments is essential to preserving the legitimacy of present-day decisions).
  275.  Ernest Young, Rediscovering Conservatism: Burkean Political Theory and Constitutional Interpretation, 72 N.C. L. Rev. 619, 650–59 (1994).
  276. Id. at 672–73; see also Rubenfeld, supra note 172, at 62–65 (arguing that the meaning of a society’s commitments evolves alongside that society).
  277. Young, supra note 274, at 688–91. For another Burkean approach to constitutional adjudication, see generally Anthony T. Kronman, Precedent and Tradition, 99 Yale L.J. 1029 (1990) (arguing that the common-law model is more descriptively accurate than other methods of constitutional adjudication).
  278. There is a good argument for including natural-law based theories in the anti-individualist camp, since (as noted above) conservatism and the national-law tradition tend to have a similar view of the relationship of the individual to society. Natural-law theories come in both originalist, see generally Lee J. Strang, Originalism’s Promise (2019) (basing originalism on a natural-law account); Jeffrey A. Pojanowski & Kevin C. Walsh, Enduring Originalism, 105 Geo. L.J. 97 (2016) (same), and non-originalist varieties, see generally Adrian Vermeule, Common-Good Constitutionalism: A Model Opinion, Ius & Iustitium (June 17, 2020), https://iusetiustitium.com/common-good-constitutionalism-a-model-opinion/ [https://perma.cc/NUE4-UV3Q] (arguing for a framework for interpreting the U.S. Constitution that centers on its commitment to the general welfare); Adrian Vermeule, Beyond Originalism, Atlantic (Mar. 31, 2020), https://www.theatlantic.com/‌ideas/archive/2020/03/‌common‌-good-constitutionalism/609037/ [https://perma.cc/84PE-L96V] (asserting the legitimacy of interpreting the Constitution in such a manner as to allow the government to promote the common good).
  279. Young, supra note 274, at 622.
  280. See supra notes 246–57 and accompanying text.
  281. Balkin, supra note 66, at 76.
  282. Id. at 81–93, 277–319.
  283. Id. at 76.
  284. Id. at 74.
  285. Id. at 78.
  286. Id. at 28–29, 62.
  287. Mill, supra note 159, at 14. Indeed, Balkin acknowledges that his “focus on progress is characteristically modernist,” with its “assumptions about the proper direction of history, which is a story of potential improvement.” See Balkin, supra note 255, at 49–50; see also id. at 76 (describing redemption as a narrative of progress).
  288. James E. Fleming, Fidelity to Our Imperfect Constitution: For Moral Readings and Against Originalisms 130 (2015) (“[T]here are unmistakable affinities here between Balkin’s commitment to interpret the Constitution so as to redeem citizens’ faith in its promises and aspirations and Dworkin’s and [Fleming’s] commitment to interpret the Constitution in its best light.”).
  289. Dworkin, supra note 50, at 190–92, 216.
  290. Id. at 176; see also id. at 184 (stating that integrity is flouted whenever a society enacts laws that express incoherent principles of justice).
  291. Id. at 191–92.
  292. Id. at 225.
  293. See id. at 228.
  294. Id. at 228–32; Ronald Dworkin, Freedom’s Law: The Moral Reading of the American Constitution 10–12 (1996).
  295. Dworkin, supra note 293, at 2.
  296. See Richard A. Posner, Conceptions of Legal Theory: A Response to Ronald Dworkin, 29 Ariz. St. L.J. 377, 383 (1997) (describing Dworkin as “a universalizing rationalist”).
  297. See Dworkin, supra note 50, at 245.
  298. Id.
  299. See id. at 239.
  300. Id. at 264–65.
  301. See Cass R. Sunstein, Second-Order Perfectionism, 75 Fordham L. Rev. 2867, 2879–81 (2007); Cass R. Sunstein, Burkean Minimalism, 105 Mich. L. Rev. 353, 394–96 (2006); Young, supra note 274, at 690–91 & n.356.
  302. See Fleming, supra note 287, at 102–05 (disclaiming the notion that “fit” entails obligations to the past).
  303. I could perhaps add Barnett to the list of rationalistic theories, since his premises track Locke’s so closely, but Locke’s writings make his rationalism more explicit than Barnett’s do. Moreover, to the extent that pluralist constitutional theories are based on Dworkin’s fit-and-justification approach, see Griffin, supra note 51, at 1756–57; Fallon, supra note 51, at 1233–34, one might consider them rationalist as well, but it is not clear whether all pluralist theorists understand “fit” in the same law-as-integrity way that Dworkin does, with its far-reaching requirements of coherence across the corpus of law.
  304. See Strauss, supra note 1, at 40–42; Strauss, supra note 49, at 891–94; Young, supra note 274, at 642–50. Thomas Merrill could also be added to that list. See Thomas W. Merrill, Bork v. Burke, 19 Harv. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 509, 519–21 (1996).
  305. See, e.g., Strauss, supra note 1, at 40–44; Merrill, supra note 303, at 518–21; Young, supra note 274, at 667–69 & n.240.
  306. See Bork, supra note 1, at 177 (conceding, in response to Dworkin’s assertion that “the choice of [originalism] is itself a political decision,” that “[i]t certainly is”); see also Dworkin, supra note 50, at 259–60; Ronald Dworkin, A Matter of Principle 54–55, 162–65 (1985).
  307. See Robert H. Bork, Tradition and Morality in Constitutional Law, in A Time to Speak: Selected Writings and Arguments 397, 401–02 (2008).
  308. Dworkin, supra note 50, at 108–12, 190–92.
  309. See, e.g., Balkin, supra note 66, at 59–99; Barnett, supra note 118, at 1–86; Dworkin, supra note 50, at 176-224.
  310. Bork, supra note 1, at 173–74.
  311. See id. at 133–38.
  312. Bork, supra note 306, at 400.
  313. Id. at 401; see also Robert H. Bork, Styles in Constitutional Theory, in A Time to Speak: Selected Writings and Arguments, supra note 306, at 223, 235.
  314. Bork, supra note 312, at 223, 235.
  315. Bork, supra note 1, at 153–55.
  316. Bork, supra note 312, at 223–26.
  317. Bork, supra note 1, at 143–53.
  318. Id. at 155 (“The philosophy of original understanding is thus a necessary inference from the structure of government apparent on the face of the Constitution.”).
  319. Bork, supra note 312, at 235.
  320. See Coan, supra note 38, at 876–84.
  321. Coan would call this an example of “hidden disagreements.” See id. at 878­–80.
  322. Balkin expressly links his theory of legitimacy with his thin view of original meaning. See Jack M. Balkin, Nine Perspectives on Living Originalism, 2012 U. Ill. L. Rev. 815, 828–29.
  323. Balkin, supra note 66, at 59–73.
  324. Mill, supra note 159, at 14.
  325. See generally John O. McGinnis & Michael B. Rappaport, The Abstract Meaning Fallacy, 2012 U. Ill. L. Rev. 737 (arguing that Balkin’s theory erroneously assumes that abstract constitutional provisions are necessarily vague and underdetermined); see also Barnett & Bernick, supra note 57, at 33–36.
  326. Coan would call this an example of “hidden agreement.” Coan, supra note 38, at 877–78.
  327. Vermeule, supra note 119, at 1484.
  328. Id. at 1502–06. Vermeule’s purpose was not to defend originalism, but I believe his arguments at least undercut Strauss’s Burkean arguments against originalism.
  329. 576 U.S. 644 (2015).
  330. See Strauss, supra note 263, at 6–7.
  331. See United States v. Windsor, 570 U.S. 744, 808 (2013) (Alito, J., dissenting).
  332. Indeed, one of the reasons why Bork rejected methodologies like Strauss’s is that they allow judges to rely too much on their individual reason. See Bork, supra note 1, at 234–35.
  333. Fleming, supra note 287, at 125–41.
  334. Id. at 130–32.
  335. Id. at 130.
  336. Id. at 131–32.
  337. See supra Subsection II.B.2.
  338. See supra Subsection II.B.1.
  339. Strauss, supra note 49, at 895–96. Strauss’s conception of tradition is arguably inconsistent with his Burkean anti-rationalism, which could explain why he and Bork disagree so strongly about methodology.
  340. Young, supra note 274, at 650–53, 673, 689.
  341. Id. at 652, 656, 689.
  342. As noted above, Vermeule’s article is a rare example of a justifications-based argument.
  343. Dworkin, supra note 50, at 111.
  344. See, e.g., Balkin, supra note 66, at 59–99; Barnett, supra note 118, at 1–86; Dworkin, supra note 50, at 176–224.
  345. Jacob Gershman, Study Casts Doubt on Kantian Link to Bulgarian Law, Wall St. J. L. Blog (Mar. 31, 2015, 4:20 PM), https://www.wsj.com/articles/BL-LB-50958 [https://perma.cc/4NEK-ZGE4]; Smith, supra note 11, at 227–30.
  346. Bork, supra note 1, at 134.
  347. See Barnett, supra note 118, at 279–80.
  348. See supra Subsection II.B.2; see also Balkin, supra note 66, at 104–08 (expressly linking the debate about expected applications with delegation of authority to future adjudicators); John O. McGinnis & Michael Rappaport, Original Interpretive Principles as the Core of Originalism, 24 Const. Comment. 371, 380–81 (2007) (observing that the relevance of expected applications is linked to how much faith the enactors had in the reasoning of future generations).
  349. Compare Bostock v. Clayton Cnty., 140 S. Ct. 1731, 1749–54 (2020), with 140 S. Ct. at 1766–73 (Alito, J., dissenting). But see Tara Grove, Which Textualism?, 134 Harv. L. Rev. 265, 291–96 (2020) (arguing that Justice Gorsuch’s approach to textualism actually leads to less judicial discretion). Grove identifies Justices Alito and Gorsuch as proposing different kinds of textualism—that is, different variations of the same methodology—and I would suggest that their differences might be based, at least in part, on their different politico-theoretical premises that shape their justifications for textualism.
  350. Bostock, 140 S. Ct. at 1757 (Alito, J., dissenting) (citation omitted). Although Bostock is a statutory interpretation case, the debate between the majority and dissents about expected applications is similar to the debate seen in the constitutional theory literature, see supra note 347, so it strikes me as a good example despite its non-constitutional context.
  351. Cf. Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory 1–22 (3d ed. 2007) (making an even more radical version of this argument).
  352. See Joseph William Singer, Legal Realism Now, 76 Calif. L. Rev. 465, 467 (1988).
  353. McConnell, supra note 107, at 1128; see also Christopher J. Peters, What Lies Beneath: Interpretive Methodology, Constitutional Authority, and the Case of Originalism, 2013 BYU L. Rev. 1251, 1276.
  354. See Fallon, supra note 113, at 127, 129 (recognizing this distinction); see also Bork, supra note 1, at 177 (same).
  355. See, e.g., supra notes 298–313 and accompanying text (describing Dworkin’s methodology).
  356. See generally John O. McGinnis & Michael B. Rappaport, The Power of Interpretation: Minimizing the Construction Zone, 96 Notre Dame L. Rev. 919 (2021) (arguing that various tools of interpretation can minimize—if not eliminate—the construction zone).
  357. Peters, supra note 352, at 1273–83.
  358. Whittington, supra note 66, at 111–12; Gray, supra note 13, at 23–24.
  359. Gray, supra note 13, at xiii; see also Ryan, supra note 14, at 23–40; Waldron, supra note 123, at 129–40; Arblaster, supra note 13, at 13.
  360. For a refutation of this position in general, see Fallon, supra note 35, at 545–49.
  361. Solum, supra note 70, at 20–30; Saikrishna B. Prakash, The Misunderstood Relationship Between Originalism and Popular Sovereignty, 31 Harv. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 485, 486–89 (2008); Gary Lawson, On Reading Recipes . . . and Constitutions, 85 Geo. L.J. 1823, 1825–34 (1997). Michael Stokes Paulsen’s argument is less about linguistic theory than it is about the Constitution’s own prescribed methodology. See Michael Stokes Paulsen, Does the Constitution Prescribe Rules for Its Own Interpretation?, 103 Nw. U. L. Rev. 857, 858–64 (2009).
  362. See, e.g., Richard H. Fallon, Jr., The Meaning of Legal “Meaning” and Its Implications for Theories of Legal Interpretation, 82 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1235, 1289–95 (2015); Cass R. Sunstein, There Is Nothing that Interpretation Just Is, 30 Const. Comment. 193, 194–98 (2015).
  363. See Sachs, supra note 10, at 829–35.
  364. See, e.g., Strauss, supra note 263, at 3–5.
  365. Peters, supra note 352, at 1278–84.
  366. Coan, supra note 38, at 839 (noting that the proposition that “approaches to constitutional decision-making require justification in the form of sound normative foundations” is “widely accepted but not entirely uncontroversial”).
  367. Solum, supra note 2, at 472–73.
  368. Lawson, supra note 360, at 1823–25, 1835–36.
  369. Paulsen, supra note 360, at 919.
  370. Prakash, supra note 360, at 489–91.
  371. Lawson, Paulsen, and Prakash would likely object to describing originalism as a theory of constitutional adjudication, rather than as a theory of constitutional interpretation, because they define originalism as concerned only with how to interpret texts, not with telling judges how to decide cases. See Paulsen, supra note 360, at 918–19; Prakash, supra note 360, at 491; Lawson, supra note 360, at 1823–25. I disagree with that conception of originalism, but even if those three theorists are right, it does not make a difference to my argument that constitutional theory more generally—which is concerned with adjudication—requires normative arguments.
  372. See, e.g., Strauss, supra note 49, at 898–906.
  373. Dworkin, for example, based the need for “fit” on the law-as-integrity principle, which is a normative argument. See Dworkin, supra note 50, at 176–224.
  374. Fallon, supra note 35, at 545–49.
  375. Id. at 540–41, 541 n.13.
  376. Sachs, supra note 10, at 822–38; Baude, supra note 8, at 2363–91.
  377. Pojanowski & Walsh, supra note 277, at 110.
  378. Baude, supra note 8, at 2395.
  379. Solum, supra note 1, at 79–80.

Where Nature’s Rights Go Wrong

­­­­

There is an increasing push by environmentalists, scholars, and some politicians in favor of a form of environmental rights referred to as “rights of nature” or “nature’s rights.” A milestone victory in this movement was the incorporation of rights of nature into the Ecuadorian constitution in 2008. However, there are reasons to be skeptical that these environmental rights will have the kinds of transformative effects that are anticipated by their most enthusiastic proponents. From a conceptual perspective, a number of difficulties arise when rights (or other forms of legal or moral consideration) are extended to non-human biological aggregates, such as species or ecosystems. There are two very general strategies for conceiving of the interests of such aggregates: a “bottom-up” model that grounds interest in specific aggregates (such as particular species or ecosystems), and then attempts to compare various effects on those specific aggregates; and a “top-down” model that grounds interests in the entire “biotic community.” Either approach faces serious challenges. Nature’s rights have also proven difficult to implement in practice. Courts in Ecuador, the country with the most experience litigating these rights, have had a difficult time using the construct of nature’s rights in a non-arbitrary fashion. The shortcomings of nature’s rights, however, do not mean that constitutional reform cannot be used to promote environmental goals. Recent work in comparative constitutional law indicates that organizational rights have a greater likelihood of achieving meaningful results than even quite concrete substantive rights. Protection for the role of environmental groups within civil society may, then, serve as the most effective way for constitutional reform to vindicate the interests that motivate the nature’s rights movement.

Introduction

One of the most basic questions in environmental law, policy, and ethics is whether human societies owe obligations to non-humans. For the most part, U.S. environmental law has embraced a human-centered perspective, which justifies environmental protection primarily on the basis of benefits delivered to human beings. But, from the beginnings of the modern environmental movement, there have been efforts to promote an alternative, bio-centered view. Justice Douglas’s dissent in Sierra Club v. Morton—in which he called on the Court to grant legal personhood to “valleys, alpine meadows, rivers, lakes, estuaries, beaches, ridges, groves of trees, swampland, or even air that feels the destructive pressures of modern technology and modern life”—provides a canonical expression of the path not taken.1.Sierra Club v. Morton, 405 U.S. 727, 742–43 (1972) (Douglas, J., dissenting). For a discussion of the Court’s reluctance to take up a biocentric view, see Jonathan Z. Cannon, Environment in the Balance: The Green Movement and the Supreme Court (2015).Show More

In recent years, this bio-centered perspective has gained renewed traction in global environmental law discourse, especially through a new generation of constitutional and statutory rights extended directly to natural entities. A particular watershed moment came in 2008 when the country of Ecuador became the first in the world to recognize rights for nature in its constitution.2.See infra Part I. We use the phrase “rights for nature” and “nature’s rights” interchangeably throughout this Article.Show More These new rights have come at a time of increasing frustration with the failure of legal institutions to come to terms with grave environmental threats such as climate change.3.See, e.g., Roger Hallam, Common Sense for the 21st Century: Only Nonviolent Rebellion Can Now Stop Climate Breakdown and Social Collapse (2019).Show More Activists, commentators, and scholars have argued that “nature’s rights” may be able to achieve the kind of sustained and transformative environmental progress that has so far proven elusive.4.See, e.g., David R. Boyd, The Rights of Nature: A Legal Revolution That Could Save the World (2017); infra Section IV.A.Show More

In this Article, we provide a dose of skepticism.5.Other scholars have raised a number of general problems with substantive environmental rights. See, e.g., James R. May & Erin Daly, Global Environmental Constitutionalism 59 (2015) (collecting sources critical of constitutionalizing environmental rights); Tim Hayward, Constitutional Environmental Rights 74–75 (2004) (noting that substantive environmental rights might have an atomizing effect as collective demands for justice become fragmented into individual litigation and claims); César Rodríguez-Garavito, A Human Right to a Healthy Environment?, in The Human Right to a Healthy Environment 155, 166 (John H. Knox & Ramin Pejan eds., 2018) (arguing that substantive environmental rights “fall[] short of . . . transformational promises, as the language of rights tends to be more definitive than the complications of implementation warrant”). In this Article, we focus on the subclass of environmental rights that grant cognizable legal rights and remedies to non-human entities, especially aggregates such as species, ecosystems, or rivers.Show More A defining feature of environmental policy is that it touches on complex, interconnected systems. As a consequence, environmental policy tends to have effects across a large number of (at least arguably) morally relevant dimensions. Outcomes that are affected by environmental policies include many features of human health and well-being, biodiversity and extinction, the protection of wilderness, and the stability of ecosystems. The natural world is not a monolithic “it,” but a “they” in the broadest possible understanding of that term.6.Cf. Kenneth A. Shepsle, Congress Is a “They,” Not an “It”: Legislative Intent as Oxymoron, 12 Int’l Rev. L. & Econ. 239 (1992) (examining the difficulty of attributing intentionality to collective entities in the context of statutory interpretation).Show More This basic, pragmatic reality means that the process of environmental policymaking often requires that comparisons be made across alternatives that have both positive and negative effects on human beings and the non-human world.7.As is discussed in more detail below, the use of the language of rights does not obviate the need for comparison. See infra Part II. If anything, the notion of legal or moral rights simply makes the notion of comparison more complicated by introducing ideas such as lexical priority. See generally Jeremy Waldron, Rights in Conflict, 99 Ethics 503 (1989) (exploring possibilities of moral reasoning in cases of rights conflict).Show More

A common example of an environmental policy choice that governments have faced many times is whether or not to grant a permit for a hydroelectric dam. Granting a permit may further economic development for some while destroying the property of others; the dam may reduce carbon dioxide emissions by displacing fossil fuel electricity generation, but its construction may also wipe out the habitat of an endangered species. If the concept of nature’s rights is not to be entirely paralyzing, it must admit of some way for these heterogeneous effects to be balanced against each other to decide whether, all things considered, it is better to grant the permit or not.

This balancing analysis requires that the various entities that are affected by a policy be defined and that the effects of the policy on these entities be compared. Each of these steps raises difficulties for a nature’s rights framework. At the definitional step, the entities in question will frequently be aggregates, such as ecosystems or species.8.For purposes of this Article, we focus on an understanding of nature’s rights that involves biological aggregates such as species. An alternative formulation of nature’s rights could ignore such aggregates and instead deal exclusively with individual organisms. Such a view could largely, or entirely, overlap with the animal welfare perspective promoted by figures such as Peter Singer. See Peter Singer, Animal Liberation (1975). Some efforts have been made to articulate a framework for considering animal welfare in this manner. See, e.g., Alexis Carlier & Nicolas Treich, Directly Valuing Animal Welfare in (Environmental) Economics, 14 Int’l Rev. Env’t & Res. Econ. 113 (2020); Gary E. Varner, Personhood, Ethics, and Animal Cognition: Situating Animals in Hare’s Two Level Utilitarianism (2012). But nature’s rights, at least as it has been articulated so far, generally take as rights bearers aggregates such as species, ecosystems, rivers, and even the totality of nature. This makes them very different from an expanded welfarism that accounts for the pain and pleasures of non-human organisms. See infra notes 93–101 and accompanying text.Show More There may be multiple ways of drawing lines around these aggregates, and estimates of the net consequences of a policy may be sensitive to these definitions. If there is no principled way to decide how to define the relevant entities, the decision of whether a policy is, on balance, desirable will be contingent on arbitrary line-drawing choices.

Even if the entities could be defined in a satisfactory fashion, making comparisons across entities raises additional challenges. Policy analyses limited just to effects on humans raise the classic problem of interpersonal comparisons. Solutions to this problem are generally grounded in the mutual intelligibility of people’s motivations, interests, and reasons. A shared and comprehensible intersubjectivity that allows for deliberation and bargaining undergirds notions such as the social welfare function and the social contract, which are the dominant approaches for evaluating public policy choices. An equivalent shared understanding with entities like species, ecosystems, and landscapes is missing, leaving no clear foundation for an analytic structure capable of rendering effects across these entities comparable.9.By contrast, for ethical systems that embrace animals as worthy of moral consideration, the shared experience of pain and pleasure is a natural starting place for a balancing analysis. See Singer, supra note 8, at 8 (“The capacity for suffering and enjoyment is a prerequisite for having interests at all . . . .”). Of course, profound differences between humans and non-human animals also raise a host of challenges in attempting to make moral judgment in the face of trans-species effects. See Douglas A. Kysar, Regulating from Nowhere: Environmental Law and the Search for Objectivity 195 (2010) (noting a “sense of awe and incomprehension regarding the other’s being”). See generally Matthew Calarco, Zoographies: The Question of the Animal from Heidegger to Derrida (2008) (illustrating difficulties in moral reasoning about animals).Show More

This problem can be restated as one arising from multi-dimensionality. In standard forms of environmental policy analysis, the heterogeneous effects associated with a government decision are reduced to a single dimension along which comparisons can be made.10 10.See generally EPA, Guidelines for Preparing Economic Analyses 7-1 (2010) (“Estimating benefits in monetary terms allows the comparison of different types of benefits in the same units, and it allows the calculation of net benefits—the sum of all monetized benefits minus the sum of all monetized costs—so that proposed policy changes can be compared to each other and to the baseline scenario.”).Show More As practiced in the United States, that dimension is often a monetary metric based on the affected parties’ willingness to pay.11 11.Id. at 7-6.Show More If non-human entities have their own intrinsic value, above and apart from the value assigned to them by people, then effects on those entities must also be measured along a common dimension to make them comparable. But none of the tools or concepts that are used to translate effects on people to a single dimension can readily be applied to all of the relevant non-human entities. This leaves policymakers with a highly multi-dimensional space where policy comparisons will often be indeterminate. Unless there is some sensible way to reduce the dimensionality used to describe outcomes, then it will often be unclear whether a policy infringes on, promotes, or is neutral with respect to the interests that undergird nature’s rights.12 12.Comparisons of effects on various interests need not be quantitative in nature, but to avoid paralysis, the interpretation of the interests implicated by environmental policy cannot imply that those interests are so strongly incommensurable that it is impossible to evaluate policies with diverse effects.Show More

Moving from the theoretical to the practical, experience with rights for nature has shown that their conceptual deficiencies have led to confusion, inefficiency, and arbitrariness—without any obvious environmental benefit. Multiple litigants pursuing conflicting goals have come to court claiming to speak on behalf of nature’s rights, forcing courts not only to balance heterogeneous effects of policy choices but also to arbitrate between alternative plausible representational claims. Where nature’s rights have been litigated, courts have struggled mightily to make sense of the inquiry before them.13 13.These early struggles do not necessarily mean that courts will never land on a well-founded and workable understanding of nature’s rights. Indeed, one way that nature’s rights provisions could be defended is that they pose the question to courts of how best to articulate the obligations of human societies to the natural world. On this account, at this stage in their development, nature’s rights provisions are not intended to have determinate substantive content. Rather, they initiate a deliberative process involving courts, as well as other social actors, focused on the appropriate relationship between humans and nature. The substantive content will emerge from this process over time. But, inasmuch as the concept of nature’s rights continues to involve intrinsic value placed on biological aggregates such as species, ecosystems, or nature itself, it will face the challenges raised in Parts II and III below.Show More

For all these reasons, rights for nature are unlikely to provide the solution that frustrated environmentalists seek.14 14.We draw a sharp distinction between nature’s rights and animal rights. See supra note 8. Under the former, biological aggregates of various sorts—including species, ecosystems, rivers, landscapes, or all of nature—are understood as having rights or interests. Under the latter, individual organisms (typically animals) are understood as having rights or interests. Our critique is focused on nature’s rights and leaves to the side the question of whether and how the rights, interests, or well-being of individual organisms could or should be considered when evaluating the desirability of environmental policy.Show More But that does not mean that constitutional rights and courts are a dead-end for environmental progress. Recent work in comparative constitutional law has focused on the characteristics of constitutional rights that are most associated with success. In general, that literature finds that provisions that protect organizations are most likely to be effective.15 15.See Kevin L. Cope, Cosette D. Creamer & Mila Versteeg, Empirical Studies of Human Rights Law, 15 Ann. Rev. L. & Soc. Sci. 155, 171 (2019) (summarizing relevant research); Georg Vanberg, Substance vs. Procedure: Constitutional Enforcement and Constitutional Choice, 80 J. Econ. Behav. & Org. 309, 317 (2011). See generally Adam S. Chilton & Mila Versteeg, Do Constitutional Rights Make a Difference?, 60 Am. J. Pol. Sci. 575 (2016) (providing an in-depth empirical examination of the effectiveness of constitutional rights).Show More There is a lesson here for efforts to use constitution-making to achieve environmental goals. Concrete rights for the people and organizations that seek to promote a healthy relationship with the environment are more likely to lead to results than guarantees to abstract non-human entities.

The remainder of this Article proceeds as follows. Part I discusses the spread of rights for nature as part of a more general trend toward the expansion of environmental rights. Many activists, commentators, and courts have enthusiastically embraced rights for nature, in part due to frustration with traditional forms of environmental governance. Starting from their origin in Ecuador, rights for nature have been adopted in a variety of jurisdictions at the international, national, and local levels. These rights are now the topic of serious discussion by international institutions and have been promoted by many academics and environmental organizations.

Part II focuses on conceptual challenges that arise when rights for nature are understood in a bottom-up manner, as arising from the rights (or interests) of biological aggregates such as species or ecosystems.16 16.As is discussed below, we borrow from Raz to treat nature’s rights as implying that entities of some kind are the bearers of interests of sufficient moral weight to justify assigning a duty to some other. See Joseph Raz, The Morality of Freedom 166 (1988). For our purposes, we set aside the additional complications associated with legal or moral reasoning about rights, and instead assume that if the underlying interests can be articulated in a meaningful way, then those additional difficulties can be addressed. See infra Part II.Show More The core issue is that environmental disagreements often involve conflicts within the domain of nature, implying that any option selected by a decision maker will create both benefits and harms for entities—such as species, ecosystems, and landscapes—that make up the natural world. When such conflicts arise between the rights (or interests) of some entities and others, decision makers must engage in some form of balancing. Drawing from work in moral philosophy and welfare economics, we examine the difficulties of deriving a coherent framework for this balancing inquiry. In particular, we raise difficulties associated with defining the relevant entities and their interests. Without a framework for balancing harms against each other when rights (or interests) conflict, decision makers are left with no criteria that can be used to arbitrate disputes in many concrete cases.

Part III examines whether some of the problems discussed in Part II can be resolved by understanding nature’s rights not as the aggregation of the rights of other entities, such as species or ecosystems, but in a top-down manner that begins with the biotic community as a whole.17 17.The distinction between a bottom-up and a top-down understanding of nature’s rights tracks the concepts of biocentrism and ecocentrism from the environmental ethics literature. See Dale Jamieson, Ethics and the Environment: An Introduction 145–53 (2008).Show More We raise some initial objections to this approach, which are grounded in the problem of separation: both the need to respect the separate interests of at least some non-human entities and the conceptual difficulty of separating human activity from nature. We then use data from the Yale Environmental Performance Index to test whether there is a single dimension that captures existing metrics for environmental performance. We find that there is not. Finally, we discuss the possibility for a relatively low-dimensional representation of environmental performance to derive a set of “frontiers” that represent a space for nature’s rights. Although this may be the most promising existing path forward, we examine some of its deficiencies.

Part IV examines the application of nature’s rights in practice. We focus on Ecuador, the country with the most practical experience in this area. What we find is not heartening. In the limited number of cases where they have been applied, rights for nature have been used by a variety of groups and individuals, all speaking on behalf of nature, to bring conflicting claims. Facing an impossible situation, courts have done their best, but the results they reach have largely been arbitrary and ungrounded in any meaningful normative criteria. We then offer some justifications for nature’s rights that are not grounded in their immediate practical effect, but rather for their symbolic, expressive, or cultural reform function. This may be the best justification for nature’s rights, although many proponents of these rights focus on more short-term practical effects. We finally conclude with a discussion of lessons that can be learned from recent work in comparative constitutional law for the design of environmental rights. In applying those lessons, we argue that, although there may be a place for nature’s rights in the toolkit as a means of communicating social values and commitments, more targeted rights that provide tangible protections for a robust civil society presence for environmental advocates may be more likely to lead to tangible results.

  1. * Mauricio Guim is an assistant professor of law at the Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México (ITAM); Michael A. Livermore is a professor of law at the University of Virginia. We thank participants at workshops held by the University of Texas at Austin School of Law, the University of Kentucky Law School, the American Law and Economics Association, and the Latin American Workshop in Law and Economics for valuable feedback. We also thank Matthew Adler, Jonathan Cannon, Willis Jenkins, Richard L. Revesz, and Mila Versteeg for comments and Austin Hetrick and Libby Murray for research assistance.
  2. Sierra Club v. Morton, 405 U.S. 727, 742–43 (1972) (Douglas, J., dissenting). For a discussion of the Court’s reluctance to take up a biocentric view, see Jonathan Z. Cannon, Environment in the Balance: The Green Movement and the Supreme Court (2015).
  3. See infra Part I. We use the phrase “rights for nature” and “nature’s rights” interchangeably throughout this Article.
  4. See, e.g., Roger Hallam, Common Sense for the 21st Century: Only Nonviolent Rebellion Can Now Stop Climate Breakdown and Social Collapse (2019).
  5. See, e.g., David R. Boyd, The Rights of Nature: A Legal Revolution That Could Save the World (2017); infra Section IV.A.
  6. Other scholars have raised a number of general problems with substantive environmental rights. See, e.g., James R. May & Erin Daly, Global Environmental Constitutionalism 59 (2015) (collecting sources critical of constitutionalizing environmental rights); Tim Hayward, Constitutional Environmental Rights 74–75 (2004) (noting that substantive environmental rights might have an atomizing effect as collective demands for justice become fragmented into individual litigation and claims); César Rodríguez-Garavito, A Human Right to a Healthy Environment?, in The Human Right to a Healthy Environment 155, 166 (John H. Knox & Ramin Pejan eds., 2018) (arguing that substantive environmental rights “fall[] short of . . . transformational promises, as the language of rights tends to be more definitive than the complications of implementation warrant”). In this Article, we focus on the subclass of environmental rights that grant cognizable legal rights and remedies to non-human entities, especially aggregates such as species, ecosystems, or rivers.
  7. Cf. Kenneth A. Shepsle, Congress Is a “They,” Not an “It”: Legislative Intent as Oxymoron, 12 Int’l Rev. L. & Econ. 239 (1992) (examining the difficulty of attributing intentionality to collective entities in the context of statutory interpretation).
  8. As is discussed in more detail below, the use of the language of rights does not obviate the need for comparison. See infra Part II. If anything, the notion of legal or moral rights simply makes the notion of comparison more complicated by introducing ideas such as lexical priority. See generally Jeremy Waldron, Rights in Conflict, 99 Ethics 503 (1989) (exploring possibilities of moral reasoning in cases of rights conflict).
  9. For purposes of this Article, we focus on an understanding of nature’s rights that involves biological aggregates such as species. An alternative formulation of nature’s rights could ignore such aggregates and instead deal exclusively with individual organisms. Such a view could largely, or entirely, overlap with the animal welfare perspective promoted by figures such as Peter Singer. See Peter Singer, Animal Liberation (1975). Some efforts have been made to articulate a framework for considering animal welfare in this manner. See, e.g., Alexis Carlier & Nicolas Treich, Directly Valuing Animal Welfare in (Environmental) Economics, 14 Int’l Rev. Env’t & Res. Econ. 113 (2020); Gary E. Varner, Personhood, Ethics, and Animal Cognition: Situating Animals in Hare’s Two Level Utilitarianism (2012). But nature’s rights, at least as it has been articulated so far, generally take as rights bearers aggregates such as species, ecosystems, rivers, and even the totality of nature. This makes them very different from an expanded welfarism that accounts for the pain and pleasures of non-human organisms. See infra notes 93–101 and accompanying text.
  10. By contrast, for ethical systems that embrace animals as worthy of moral consideration, the shared experience of pain and pleasure is a natural starting place for a balancing analysis. See Singer, supra note 8, at 8 (“The capacity for suffering and enjoyment is a prerequisite for having interests at all . . . .”). Of course, profound differences between humans and non-human animals also raise a host of challenges in attempting to make moral judgment in the face of trans-species effects. See Douglas A. Kysar, Regulating from Nowhere: Environmental Law and the Search for Objectivity 195 (2010) (noting a “sense of awe and incomprehension regarding the other’s being”). See generally Matthew Calarco, Zoographies: The Question of the Animal from Heidegger to Derrida (2008) (illustrating difficulties in moral reasoning about animals).
  11. See generally EPA, Guidelines for Preparing Economic Analyses 7-1 (2010) (“Estimating benefits in monetary terms allows the comparison of different types of benefits in the same units, and it allows the calculation of net benefits—the sum of all monetized benefits minus the sum of all monetized costs—so that proposed policy changes can be compared to each other and to the baseline scenario.”).
  12. Id. at 7-6.
  13. Comparisons of effects on various interests need not be quantitative in nature, but to avoid paralysis, the interpretation of the interests implicated by environmental policy cannot imply that those interests are so strongly incommensurable that it is impossible to evaluate policies with diverse effects.
  14. These early struggles do not necessarily mean that courts will never land on a well-founded and workable understanding of nature’s rights. Indeed, one way that nature’s rights provisions could be defended is that they pose the question to courts of how best to articulate the obligations of human societies to the natural world. On this account, at this stage in their development, nature’s rights provisions are not intended to have determinate substantive content. Rather, they initiate a deliberative process involving courts, as well as other social actors, focused on the appropriate relationship between humans and nature. The substantive content will emerge from this process over time. But, inasmuch as the concept of nature’s rights continues to involve intrinsic value placed on biological aggregates such as species, ecosystems, or nature itself, it will face the challenges raised in Parts II and III below.
  15. We draw a sharp distinction between nature’s rights and animal rights. See supra note 8. Under the former, biological aggregates of various sorts—including species, ecosystems, rivers, landscapes, or all of nature—are understood as having rights or interests. Under the latter, individual organisms (typically animals) are understood as having rights or interests. Our critique is focused on nature’s rights and leaves to the side the question of whether and how the rights, interests, or well-being of individual organisms could or should be considered when evaluating the desirability of environmental policy.
  16. See Kevin L. Cope, Cosette D. Creamer & Mila Versteeg, Empirical Studies of Human Rights Law, 15 Ann. Rev. L. & Soc. Sci. 155, 171 (2019) (summarizing relevant research); Georg Vanberg, Substance vs. Procedure: Constitutional Enforcement and Constitutional Choice, 80 J. Econ. Behav. & Org. 309, 317 (2011). See generally Adam S. Chilton & Mila Versteeg, Do Constitutional Rights Make a Difference?, 60 Am. J. Pol. Sci. 575 (2016) (providing an in-depth empirical examination of the effectiveness of constitutional rights).
  17. As is discussed below, we borrow from Raz to treat nature’s rights as implying that entities of some kind are the bearers of interests of sufficient moral weight to justify assigning a duty to some other. See Joseph Raz, The Morality of Freedom 166 (1988). For our purposes, we set aside the additional complications associated with legal or moral reasoning about rights, and instead assume that if the underlying interests can be articulated in a meaningful way, then those additional difficulties can be addressed. See infra Part II.
  18. The distinction between a bottom-up and a top-down understanding of nature’s rights tracks the concepts of biocentrism and ecocentrism from the environmental ethics literature. See Dale Jamieson, Ethics and the Environment: An Introduction 145–53 (2008).
  19. See generally May & Daly, supra note 5 (examining trends in constitutional discourse on environmental rights).
  20. See generally David R. Boyd, The Environmental Rights Revolution: A Global Study of Constitutions, Human Rights, and the Environment 45–77, 117–65, 192–231 (2012) (discussing the issue of enforceability and examining the use of environmental rights in Latin America, Africa, and Europe).
  21. See U.N. Secretary-General, Harmony with Nature, U.N. Doc. A/71/266 (Aug. 1, 2016); U.N. Secretary-General, Harmony with Nature, U.N. Doc. A/70/268 (Aug. 4, 2015).
  22. See generally Juliana v. United States, 947 F.3d 1159 (9th Cir. 2020) (dismissing a substantive due process challenge against U.S. government inaction on climate change for lack of standing). There is also a movement in the United States toward the adoption of nature’s rights at the municipal level. See generally Marsha Jones Moutrie, The Rights of Nature Movement in the United States, 10 Env’t & Earth L.J. 5 (2020) (surveying and praising local nature’s rights campaigns).
  23. See generally Boyd, supra note 4.
  24. See, e.g., Chris Jeffords & Lanse Minkler, Do Constitutions Matter? The Effects of Constitutional Environmental Rights Provisions on Environmental Outcomes, 69 Kyklos 294 (2016).
  25. These include citizen-suit provisions in the Clean Water Act, 33 U.S.C. § 1365 (2018), and the Clean Air Act, 42 U.S.C. § 7604; the requirements of environmental assessment in the National Environmental Policy Act, 42 U.S.C. § 4321; and provisions concerning the listing and protection of species in the Endangered Species Act, 16 U.S.C. § 1540. There are also important differences between citizen-suit provisions and environmental rights. The former are, in essence, an enforcement mechanism, whereas the latter create substantive obligations to specific entities. That is why judgments in such citizen-suit cases are rendered to the U.S. Treasury rather than as damages to the plaintiff.
  26. See generally Boyd, supra note 19 at 299 (link to online appendix of constitutional provisions related to environmental rights). Boyd’s The Environmental Rights Revolution uses online appendices. The appendix above can be found at https://open.library.ubc.ca/cIRcle/‌collections/ubcpress/641/items/1.0058133 [https://perma.cc/5HJZ-VXUX].
  27. Id.
  28. Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador, Oct. 20, 2008. The right to nature is one of several environmental rights that are recognized in the Ecuadorian constitution—others include a right to water, id. art. 12, and a right to a healthy environment, id. arts. 14, 66.
  29. Id. art. 71.
  30. Id. arts. 72, 73.
  31. Id. art. 11.
  32. Id. art. 71. But see Michelle P. Bassi, La Naturaleza O Pacha Mama de Ecuador: What Doctrine Should Grant Trees Standing?, 11 Or. Rev. Int’l L. 461, 464 (2009) (arguing that Ecuador’s constitution is unclear about the requirements for standing).
  33. There are three provisions in the Constitution related to this statement:Article 11.5. In terms of rights and constitutional guarantees, public, administrative or judicial servants must abide by the most favorable interpretation of their effective force.

    Article 73. The State shall apply preventive and restrictive measures on activities that might lead to the extinction of species, the destruction of ecosystems and the permanent alteration of natural cycles.

    Article 396. The State shall adopt timely policies and measures to avoid adverse environmental impacts where there is certainty about the damage. In the case of doubt about the environmental impact stemming from a deed or omission, although there is no scientific evidence of the damage, the State shall adopt effective and timely measures of protection.

  34. May & Daly, supra note 5, at 255, 344 (reviewing the countries that had recognized rights or duties to nature as of 2015).
  35. Ley de Derechos de la Madre Tierra [Law of the Rights of Mother Earth] No. 71 (2010) (Bol.); see also Brandon Keim, Nature to Get Legal Rights in Bolivia, Wired (Apr. 18, 2011), https://www.wired.com/2011/04/legal-rights-nature-bolivia/ [https://perma.cc/HZ3G-3HL4].
  36. Ley de Derechos de la Madre Tierra [Law of the Rights of Mother Earth] No. 71, art. 3 (2010) (Bol.) (translation by the author).
  37. Id. art. 7; Boyd, supra note 19, at 126; see also John Vidal, Bolivia Enshrines Natural World’s Rights with Equal Status for Mother Earth, Guardian (Apr. 10, 2011), https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2011/apr/10/bolivia-enshrines-natural-worlds-rights [https://perma.cc/7E4V-RZJM].
  38. Ley De Derechos de la Madre Tierra [Law of The Rights of Mother Earth] No. 71, art. 10 (2010) (Bol.); Maria Antonia Tigre, Implementing Constitutional Environmental Rights in the Amazon Rainforest, in Implementing Environmental Constitutionalism: Current Global Challenges 75 (Erin Daly & James R. May eds., 2018). To date, no Defensoría de la Madre Tierra office has been created. Tigre argues that the failure to fill the new office indicates that “the rights are more symbolic rather than practical.” Id. But see Boyd, supra note 19, at 140 (referring to two 2010 cases in which the Constitutional Court of Bolivia referred to the right to a healthy environment and concluded that it includes the right to potable water).
  39. National Environment Act (2019), § 4 (Uganda), available at http://files.‌harmony‌withnatureun.org/uploads/upload834.pdf [https://perma.cc/B54A-CTHT].
  40. Assemblée National [National Assembly], Amendment CL786, du 22 juin 2018 (Fr.), https://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/dyn/15/amendements/0911/CION_LOIS/CL786.pdf [https://perma.cc/6R6D-7LUM] (rejected amendment).
  41. U.N. Secretary-General, Harmony with Nature, ¶ 32, U.N. Doc. A/72/175 (July 19, 2017) (describing the rights of nature provisions included in Article 13 of the constitution of Mexico City and Article 2 of the constitution of the State of Guerrero).
  42. Ciudad de Santa Fe, Santa Fe, Ordenanza No. 12541 (30 de agosto del 2018) (Arg.), https://www.concejosantafe.gov.ar/Legislacion/ordenanzas/ORDE_12541.pdf [https://perma.cc/D94Q-LZB2].
  43. Altera o Art. 133, de 12 de novembro de 2019, Diário Oficial Eletrônico Do Município de Florianópolis [DOF] de 20-11-2019 (Braz.).
  44. Lei No. 878/2018, de 20 de dezembro de 2018, Diário Oficial Eletrônico Dos Municípios de Pernambuco [DOP], de 04-02-2019 (Braz.).
  45. Altera o Art. 1 o decreto No. 001/2017, de 21 de dezembro de 2017, Diário Oficial Eletrônico Dos Municípios de Pernambuco [DOP], de 08-03-2018 (Braz.).
  46. Pittsburgh, Pa., Code of Ordinances art. 1, § 104 (2011); Santa Monica, Cal., Mun. Code ch. 12 (2019); Santa Monica, Cal., Mun. Code ch. 7.18 (2018); Santa Monica, Cal., Mun. Code ch. 4.75 (2013) (repealed and reinstated as chapter 12 in 2019).
  47. See Santa Monica Mun. Code ch. 12; Santa Monica Mun. Code ch. 7.18; Santa Monica Mun. Code ch. 4.75 (repealed and reinstated as chapter 12 in 2019).
  48. White Earth, Minn., Ordinance to Establish Rights of Manoomin on White Earth Reservation and Throughout 1855 Ceded Territory § 1(a) (Jan. 11, 2019) (codifying the right of manoomin rice to “pure water and freshwater habitat; the right to a healthy climate system and a natural environment free from human-caused global warming impacts and emissions” and more).
  49. Mountain Lake Park, Md., Ordinance No. 2011-01 (Apr. 15, 2011) (regulating the extraction of natural gas within the town of Mountain Lake Park).
  50. Mora County, N.M., Ordinance 2013-01 (Apr. 29, 2013) (establishing a local bill of rights that protects the natural sources of water from damage related to the extraction of oil, natural gas, and other hydrocarbons).
  51. Wales, N.Y., Local Law No. 3-2011, § 4(b) (2011) (establishing “Rights of Natural Communities” wherein “[e]cosystems and natural communities possess the right to exist and flourish within the Town”).
  52. Broadview Heights, Ohio, Ordinance No. 115-12, § 1 (Sept. 4, 2012) (“Natural communities and ecosystems . . . possess inalienable and fundamental rights to exist and flourish within The City of Broadview Heights. Residents of the City shall possess legal standing to enforce those rights on behalf of those natural communities and ecosystems.”); see also Yellow Springs, Ohio, Ordinance 2012-17, ch. 878, § 878.04 (2012) (“Ecosystems and natural communities possess the right to exist and flourish within the Village.”); Toledo, Ohio, Mun. Code ch. XVII, § 254(a) (2019) (establishing the rights of Lake Erie Ecosystem “to exist, flourish, and naturally evolve”), invalidated by Drewes Farms P’ship v. City of Toledo, 441 F. Supp. 3d 551 (N.D. Ohio 2020).
  53. Some local ordinances grant rights to nature. See, e.g., Licking Township, Pa., Ordinance Protecting the Right of the Community to Natural Water Sources Within Licking Township § 3.5 (2010); Packer Township, Pa., Ordinance to Protect the Health, Safety, and General Welfare of the Citizens and Environment of Packer Township § 7.2 (2008); Mahanoy Township, Pa., Ordinance 2008-2, § 7.14 (Feb. 21, 2008). Some grant legal standing to residents to enforce rights on behalf of natural communities and ecosystems. See, e.g., Pittsburgh, Pa., Code § 618.03(b) (2010); Forest Hills, Pa., Ordinance No. 1017, § 3(b) (Oct. 19, 2011); West Homestead, Pa., Ordinance No. 659, § 3(b) (May 10, 2011). Other ordinances establish that natural communities shall be considered to be “persons.” See Tamaqua Borough, Pa., Ordinance No. 612, § 7.6 (Sept. 19, 2006).
  54. Halifax, Va., Code art. VII, § 30-156.7 (Feb. 7, 2008) (granting inalienable and fundamental rights to nature to exist and flourish).
  55. Newfield, N.J., Town of Newfield Water Ordinance § 5.1 (Feb. 10, 2009) (proposing an ordinance to grant natural communities and ecosystems inalienable and fundamental rights to exist and flourish).
  56. Nottingham, N.H., Nottingham Water Rights & Self Government Ordinance § 5.1 (Mar. 15, 2008).
  57. Te Awa Tupua (Whanganui River Claims Settlement) Act 2017, §§ 14–15 (N.Z.).
  58. Id. § 69.
  59. See id. §§ 18–20 (explaining the function of this office is to “act and speak for and on behalf of [the Whanganui River],” to “promote and protect [its] health and well-being,” to perform “landowner functions” with respect to the “land vested in [it],” to administer the commission charged with deciding application for fishing and catchment activities, and to administer a related fund). The Te Pou Tupua is comprised by appointing one member of the Maori Tribe and one member of the government.
  60. Ngā Iwi o Taranaki and the Crown: Record of Understanding for Mount Taranaki, Pouākai and the Kaitake Ranges 2017, § 5 (N.Z.).
  61. Writ Petition (PIL) No. 126 of 2014 ¶ 19, Salim v. Uttarakhand (2017) (India).
  62. Writ Petition (PIL) No. 140 of 2015 ¶ 2, Miglani v. Uttarakhand (2017) (India).
  63. Members of India’s environmental community have reacted with skepticism towards the court’s innovation. See, e.g., Omair Ahmad, Indian Court Awards Legal Rights of a Person to Entire Ecosystem, Climate Home News (Apr. 3, 2017), http://www.climatechangenews.com/‌2017/04/03/indian-court-awards-legal-rights-person-nature/ [https://perma.cc/9QXM-5J3R]; Indian Court Grants Himalayan Glaciers Status of ‘Living Entities,’ Dawn (Apr. 1, 2017), https://www.dawn.com/news/1324199/indian-court-grants-himalayan-glaciers-status-of-living-entities [https://perma.cc/M969-CLTL]. The Supreme Court of India ultimately ruled that the Ganges and Yamuna Rivers cannot be viewed as living entities. See India’s Ganges and Yamuna Rivers Are ‘Not Living Entities,’ BBC News (July 7, 2017), https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-40537701 [https://perma.cc/88ZV-JSL5].
  64. Writ Petition (PIL) No. 43 of 2014 ¶ 98, Bhatt v. India (2018) (India).
  65. Sebastian Bechtel, Legal Rights of Rivers—An International Trend?, Client Earth (Mar. 13, 2019), https://www.clientearth.org/legal-rights-of-rivers-an-international-trend/ [https://perma.cc/J4UW-9CVJ]; U.N. Secretary-General, Harmony with Nature, ¶ 23, U.N. Doc. A/74/236 (July 26, 2019).
  66. Corte Constitucional [C.C.] [Constitutional Court], noviembre 10, 2016, M.P: Jorge Iván Palacio Palacio, Sentencia T-622/16 (Colom.). The judge who wrote the majority opinion in this case noted the influence of the prior decisions in India on his reasoning: “[He] said that in an event that the Court organized in October 2016, he listened attentively to the speech given by a judge from India, who explained that ‘our brothers the trees and our sisters the flowers’ should be subject to rights.” He went on to say: “Thus, when the case came to the Court, I knew what I had to do: Nature has a right not be polluted, a right not to be destroyed, and a right to be rationally used.” See Jorge Iván Palacio: El Centinela del Río Atrato, El Espectador (Dec. 3, 2017), https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/judicial/jorge-ivan-palacio-el-centinela-del-rio-atrato-articulo-726304 [https://perma.cc/EXP3-K7U2] (translation by the author).
  67. Sentencia T-622/16, ¶ 5.3, 5.4, 9.22 (Colom.).
  68. Ana Lucía Maya-Aguirre, Implementing Environmental Constitutionalism in Colombia: Tensions Between Public Policy and Decisions of the Constitutional Court, in Implementing Environmental Constitutionalism: Current Global Challenges 143, 157 (Erin Daly & James R. May eds., 2018).
  69. Sentencia T-622/16, ¶ 9.32 (Colom.).
  70. Corte Suprema de Justicia [C.S.J.] [Supreme Court], Sala. Lab. abril 5, 2018, M.P: Luis Armando Tolosa Villabona, STC4360-2018, 48 (Colom.).
  71. Jurisdicción Especial Para La Paz [Special Jurisdiction for Peace], Sala. Reconocimiento. noviembre 12, 2019, M: Belkis Florentina Izquierdo Torres & Ana Manuela Ochoa Arias, Caso No. 02 de 2018, 30 (Colom.).
  72. Redacción Nacional, Río Quindío, Otro Cuerpo Fluvial que Es Sujeto de Derechos [Quindío River, Another River Body that Is Subject to Rights], El Nuevo Siglo (Dec. 8, 2019), https://www.elnuevosiglo.com.co/articulos/12-2019-rio-quindio-otro-cuerpo-fluvial-que-es-sujeto-de-derechos [https://perma.cc/B9XQ-QC3Z].
  73. Juzgados Primero Penal del Circuito con Funciones de Conocimiento de Neiva-Huila [Juzg. Circ.] [First Criminal Court of the Circuit with Functions of Knowledge of Neiva-Huila], octubre 24, 2019, J: Victor Alcides Garzon Barrios, Sentencia de Tutela de Primera Instancia No. 071, 35 (Colom.).
  74. Tribunal Superior de Medellín [T. Sup.], Sala. Civil. junio 17, 2019, M: Juan Carlos Soso Londoño, Sentencia No. 38, Tribunal Superior de Medllín [T.S.M.] 43 (Colom.).
  75. Tribunal Administrativo del Tolima [T. Admtivos] [Administrative Superior Court], Sala. Civil. mayo 30, 2019, M.P: José Andrés Rojas Villa, Sentencia 73001-23-00-000-2011-00611-00, 149 (Colom.).
  76. Juzgado Único Civil Municipal la Plata—Huila [Juz. Mun.] [Municipal Civil Court], marzo 19, 2019, J: Juan Carlos Clavijo González, 41-396-40-03-001-2019-00114-00 (Colom.).
  77. Tribunal Administrativo del Boyocá [T. Admtivos] [Administrative Superior Court], Sala. de Decisión agosto 9, 2018, M.P: Clara Elisa Cifuentes Ortiz, Expediente 15238 3333 002 2018 00016 01, 67–68) (Colom.).
  78. Corte Suprema de Justicia [C.S.J.] [Supreme Court], Sala. de Casación Civil julio 26, 2017, M.P: Luis Armando Tolosa Villabona, AHC4806-2017 (No. l7001-22-13-000-2017-00468-02, p. 34–35) (Colom.).
  79. Medio Ambiente y Derechos Humanos [The Environment and Human Rights], Opinión Consultiva [Advisory Opinion] OC-23/17, Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos [Inter-Am. Ct. H.R.] (ser. A) ¶ 62, n.100 (15 de noviembre de 2017); see also Nicolás Carrillo-Santarelli, The Politics Behind the Latest Advisory Opinions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Int’l J. Const. L. Blog, Feb. 24, 2018, http://www.iconnectblog.com‌/2018/02/the-politics-behind-the-latest-advisory-opinions-of-the-inter-american-court-of-human-rights/ [https://perma.cc/X9MY-A74Z] (remarking on the political aspects of several advisory opinions published by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, including OC-23/17).
  80. Medio Ambiente y Derechos Humanos [The Environment and Human Rights], Opinión Consultiva [Advisory Opinion] OC-23/17, Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos [Inter-Am. Ct. H.R.] (ser. A), ¶ 62 (15 de noviembre de 2017) (emphasis added) (translation by the author).
  81. The Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund describes itself as “building a movement for . . . the Rights of Nature to advance democratic, economic, social, and environmental rights—building upward from the grassroots to the state, federal, and international level.” Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund, CELDF Statement on Orange County, FL ‘Rights of Nature’ Law (Nov. 4, 2020), https://celdf.org/2020/11/celdf-statement-on-orange-county-fl-rights-of-nature-law/ [https://perma.cc/423D-HJSV]. The Earth Law Center states that it “seek[s] legal rights for ecosystems and species” throughout the world. Earth Law Center, Community Toolkit for Rights of Nature 22, https://static1.squarespace.com/static/55914fd1e4b01fb0b851a814/t/5c8abd994192021c8d560fcb/1552596381584/Community+Toolkit+for+Rights+of+Nature.pdf [https://perma.cc/W7NM-L5RW].
  82. Maria Akchurin, Constructing the Rights of Nature: Constitutional Reform, Mobilization, and Environmental Protection in Ecuador, 40 Law & Soc. Inquiry 937, 952 (2015).
  83. See U.N. Secretary-General, Harmony with Nature: Note by the Secretary-General, ¶ 5, U.N. Doc. A/71/266 (Aug. 1, 2016); U.N. Secretary-General, Harmony with Nature: Rep. of the Secretary-General, ¶ 4, U.N. Doc. A/70/268 (Aug. 4, 2015).
  84. U.N. Secretary-General, Harmony with Nature: Rep. of the Secretary-General, ¶ 4, U.N. Doc. A/69/322 (Aug. 18, 2014).
  85. U.N. Secretary-General, Harmony with Nature: Rep. of the Secretary-General, ¶ 41, U.N. Doc. A/72/175 (July 19, 2017).
  86. See generally Out of the Mainstream: Water Rights, Politics and Identity (Rutgerd Boelens, David Getches & Armando Guevara-Gil eds., 2010) (explaining the impact of indigenous movements on Latin American water management).
  87. Bryant Rousseau, In New Zealand, Lands and Rivers Can Be People (Legally Speaking), N.Y. Times (July 13, 2016), https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/14/world/what-in-the-world/in-new-zealand-lands-and-rivers-can-be-people-legally-speaking.html [https://perma.cc/C28W-N7R3].
  88. John Vidal, Bolivia Enshrines Natural World’s Rights with Equal Status for Mother Earth, Guardian (Apr. 10, 2011), https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2011/apr/10/bolivia-enshrines-natural-worlds-rights [https://perma.cc/6KRA-ZG6Z]; Craig M. Kauffman & Pamela L. Martin, Constructing Rights of Nature Norms in the US, Ecuador, and New Zealand, 18 Glob. Env’t Pol. 43, 55 (2018).
  89. See David R. Boyd, Recognizing the Rights of Nature: Lofty Rhetoric or Legal Revolution?, 32 Nat. Res. & Env’t 13, 17 (2018). See generally Boyd, supra note 4 (offering a defense of nature’s rights for a broader audience).
  90. See, e.g., Jan G. Laitos, How Science Has Influenced, but Should Now Determine, Environmental Policy, 43 Wm. & Mary Env’t L. & Pol’y Rev. 759, 788 (2019); Oliver A. Houck, Noah’s Second Voyage: The Rights of Nature as Law, 31 Tul. Env’t L.J. 1, 41–42 (2017); Rule of Law for Nature: New Dimensions and Ideas in Environmental Law (Christina Voigt ed., 2013) (collecting essays exploring broad environmental rights). The origin of the notion of nature’s rights can be found in the legal academic literature in Professor Christopher D. Stone’s famous essay, Should Trees Have Standing?—Toward Legal Rights for Natural Objects, 45 S. Cal. L. Rev. 450, 456 (1972); Cormac Cullinan, Wild Law 157–59 (2d ed. 2011) (advocating radical restructuring of law and governance to account for natural systems). See generally Susan Emmenegger & Axel Tschentscher, Taking Nature’s Rights Seriously: The Long Way to Biocentrism in Environmental Law, 6 Geo. Int’l Env’t L. Rev. 545, 573 (1994) (“Acknowledging nature’s rights would make the respective natural entity a subject whereas it is merely an object of human considerations in the context of duties towards nature.”).
  91. See, e.g., Carolina Valladares & Rutgerd Boelens, Mining for Mother Earth: Governmentalities, Sacred Waters and Nature’s Rights in Ecuador, 100 Geoforum 68, 68–69 (2019) (discussing the relationship between nature’s rights and mining); Eden Kinkaid, “Rights of Nature” in Translation: Assemblage Geographies, Boundary Objects, and Translocal Social Movements, 44 Transactions Inst. Brit. Geographers 555 (2019) (considering rights of nature as “a boundary object connecting translocal assemblages of environmental governance through acts of translation”); Florent Kohler, Timothy G. Holland, Janne Sakari Kotiaho, Maylis Desrousseaux & Matthew D. Potts, Embracing Diverse Worldviews to Share Planet Earth, 33 Conservation Biology 1014, 1014–16 (2019) (arguing for nature’s rights to preserve nature); Kelly D. Alley, River Goddesses, Personhood and Rights of Nature: Implications for Spiritual Ecology, 10 Religions 502 (2019) (examining rights for nature through a religious lens); Mariana Chilton & Sonya Jones, The Rights of Nature and the Future of Public Health, 110 Am. J. Pub. Health 459 (2020) (advocating for rights of nature to mitigate environmental impacts and discrepancies on public health); Guillaume Chapron, Yaffa Epstein & José Vicente López-Bao, A Rights Revolution for Nature, 363 Science 1392 (2019).
  92. Intersecting topics include literatures on rights, rights conflicts, incommensurability, group rights, and animal welfare.
  93. Cf. Richard Schragger & Micah Schwartzman, Some Realism about Corporate Rights 345, 347, in The Rise of Corporate Religious Liberty (Micah Schwartzman, Chad Flanders & Zoë Robinson eds., 2016) (arguing that there is no need to settle disputes concerning ontological status of corporations to reason about group rights). For purposes of this Article, we proceed under Schragger and Schwartzman’s view that ontological claims about entities need not be settled to engage in pragmatic reasoning about legal rights.
  94. See, e.g., Universal Declaration of Human Rights, G.A. Res. 217A (III), U.N. Doc. A/810 (Dec. 10, 1948).
  95. Paul W. Taylor, Respect for Nature: A Theory of Environmental Ethics 119–29 (1986).
  96. See supra Part I.
  97. See Akchurin, supra note 81.
  98. Stone, supra note 89, at 456.
  99. Cf. Christian List & Philip Pettit, Group Agency: The Possibility, Design, and Status of Corporate Agents 182 (2011) (citations omitted) (adopting “‘normative individualism’ . . . : the view that something [including extending legal rights to groups] is good only if it is good for individual human[s] or, more generally, sentient beings”).
  100. Stone, supra note 89, at 456 n.26.
  101. See generally Justin Farrell, The Battle for Yellowstone: Morality and the Sacred Roots of Environmental Conflict (2015) (examining a host of different sources of conflict over the management of a complex ecosystem with a large number of interested stakeholders).
  102. See generally Tom Campbell, Rights: A Critical Introduction (2006) (summarizing various theories of rights and their relation to legal rights); see also Leif Wenar, Rights, The Stan. Encyc. of Phil. (Edward N. Zalta ed., 2015), https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/‌fall2015/‌entries/rights/ [https://perma.cc/5TME-FMZQ] (describing the nature of rights, categorizing rights according to shared attributes, and exploring sub-categories of moral and legal rights).
  103. See Waldron, supra note 7, at 508. Lexical priority means that certain claims must be satisfied altogether before other claims. See, e.g., John Rawls, Justice as Fairness: Political Not Metaphysical, 14 Phil. & Pub. Affs. 223, 227–28 (1985) (stating two principles of justice where “the first is given priority over the second”).
  104. See Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia 29 (1974).
  105. Ronald Dworkin, Taking Rights Seriously 6 (1977).
  106. For a discussion of rights discourse in the United States, see, e.g., Richard A. Primus, The American Language of Rights (1999); Carl Wellman, The Proliferation of Rights: Moral Progress or Empty Rhetoric? (1999); Mary Ann Glendon, Rights Talk: The Impoverishment of Political Discourse (1991). For a critique of the discourse of rights at a global level, see Eric A. Posner, The Twilight of Human Rights Law (2014).
  107. For general critiques of rights reasoning in the context of human rights, see Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue 6–21 (2d ed. 1984).
  108. See generally Waldron, supra note 7 (exploring the moral difficulties that occur when rights conflict with one another).
  109. See generally Same-Sex Marriage and Religious Liberty: Emerging Conflicts (Douglas Laycock, Anthony R. Picarello, Jr. & Robin Fretwell Wilson eds., 2008) (discussing conflicting liberties in the context of same-sex marriage and religious freedom). See, e.g., Bostock v. Clayton County, 140 S. Ct. 1731, 1753–54 (2020) (“[T]he employers fear that complying with Title VII’s requirement [not to engage in employment discrimination against homosexual or transgender people] . . . may require some employers to violate their religious convictions. We are also deeply concerned with preserving the promise of the free exercise of religion enshrined in our Constitution; that guarantee lies at the heart of our pluralistic society.”).
  110. For additional examples of policy choices that present conflicts within the domain of nature, see Jamieson, supra note 17, at 168–80.
  111. 77 Fed. Reg. 9303 (Feb. 16, 2012).
  112. EPA, Regulatory Impact Analysis for the Final Mercury and Air Toxics Standards (2011).
  113. Id.
  114. Id.
  115. Timothy P. Robinson et al., Mapping the Global Distribution of Livestock, PLOS One, May 29, 2014, at 1, https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.‌0096084#‌pone-0096084-g002 [https://perma.cc/EN4R-2GPX].
  116. See generally Jared Prunty & Kevin J. Apple, Painfully Aware: The Effects of Dissonance on Attitudes Toward Factory Farming, 26 Anthrozoös 265 (2013) (discussing conflicting public attitudes concerning animal welfare and commercial farming practices); Ruth Harrison, Animal Machines: The New Factory Farming Industry (1964) (providing moral arguments).
  117. It has sometimes been argued that the profit motive is adequate to provide for animal welfare, because “farm animals which receive better care will be more productive.” See Jayson L. Lusk & F. Bailey Norwood, Animal Welfare Economics, 33 Applied Econ. Persps. & Pol’y 463, 464 (2011) (explaining but not adopting this view). Indeed, a purely profit-motivated firm will invest some resources into animal welfare and will not engage in gratuitously inhuman treatment. But, as long as there are increasing returns to animal welfare from further investments beyond what is profit maximizing—a highly likely situation—then profitability and protections for animal well-being will part ways. See id.
  118. National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System, 79 Fed. Reg. 48,300 (Aug. 15, 2014).
  119. Id. at 48,318–21.
  120. EPA, Benefits Analysis for the Final Section 316(b) Existing Facilities Rule (May 2014), https://www.epa.gov/sites/production/files/2015-05/documents/cooling-water_phase-4_benefits_2014.pdf [https://perma.cc/9JK9-66H3].
  121. Joe Ryan, NRG’s Massive California Solar Plant Finally Making Enough Power, Bloomberg (Feb. 2, 2017), https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-02-01/nrg-s-massive-california-solar-plant-finally-making-enough-power [https://perma.cc/URX3-5ABV]; Cal. Energy Comm’n, California Solar Energy Statistics and Data, https://ww2.energy.ca.gov/almanac/renewables_data/solar/index_cms.php [https://perma.cc/N7N5-HCWG].
  122. Avoided emissions calculations are tricky. The values here are a back-of-the-envelope calculation using the following information: Avoided Emissions Calculator, https://www.irena.org/climatechange/Avoided-Emissions-Calculator [https://perma.cc/23W4-MJB6]. To arrive at our estimate, we set the country entry to “United States of America,” the technology entry to “concentrated solar power,” and the year entry to “2016.” Using these inputs, IRENA reports that 3,701 GWh were generated in 2016 by concentrated solar power. According to the above estimates, Ivanpah generated about 3,500 GWh between 2014 and 2020. IRENA reports that the United States avoided an estimated 2.832 million tons of carbon dioxide when producing this much energy using concentrated solar power. In order to account for any confounding variables, we cut this figure in half and rounded down to provide a conservative, lower-bound estimate of avoided emissions.
  123. See, e.g., Manish Ram et al., LUT University Energy Watch Group, Global Energy System Based on 100% Renewable Energy—Power, Heat, Transport and Desalination Sectors 16 (Mar. 2019) (offering a policy scenario in which installed solar electricity generating capacity is nearly ten times greater by 2050 than current (2015) installed capacity from all energy sources).
  124. Bureau of Land Mgmt., California Desert Conservation Area Plan Amendment/Final Environmental Impact Statement for Ivanpah Solar Electric Generating System 1–23 (2010).
  125. Louis Sahagun, This Mojave Desert Solar Plant Kills 6,000 Birds a Year. Here’s Why That Won’t Change Any Time Soon, L.A. Times (Sept. 2, 2016), https://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-solar-bird-deaths-20160831-snap-story.html [https://perma.cc/A8NA-JZLH].
  126. See Hillel Steiner, The Structure of a Set of Compossible Rights, 74 J. Phil. 767, 768 (1977).
  127. Keith Dowding & Martin Van Hees, The Construction of Rights, 97 Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. 281, 292 (2003) (Steiner’s account leaves a set of rights that “are nonexistent or vanishingly small”).
  128. See Alan Gewirth, Are There Any Absolute Rights?, 31 Phil. Q. 1, 3 (1981).
  129. John Oberdiek, Specifying Rights Out of Necessity, 28 Oxford J.L. Stud. 127, 128 (2008) (arguing rights carry limiting specifications); Russ Shafer-Landau, Specifying Absolute Rights, 37 Ariz. L. Rev. 209 (1995) (analyzing arguments about specifications on rights).
  130. See Waldron, supra note 7, at 516–19.
  131. In the context of constitutional adjudication, courts (especially outside the United States) often make recourse to the notion of “proportionality” in cases of rights conflict. See Vicki C. Jackson, Constitutional Law in an Age of Proportionality, 124 Yale L.J. 3094, 3096, 3110–21 (2015). Jackson argues that the concept of “‘proportionality as such’ . . . differs from ‘balancing’ tests that tend to focus primarily on quantification of net social good” because it is part of a “structured, sequenced . . . analysis” that “as a whole, prioritizes the right.” Id. at 3099–100. This might be thought of as a mix of a pure balancing approach with one that involves some prioritization mechanism.
  132. See generally Matthew D. Adler, Well-Being and Fair Distribution: Beyond Cost-Benefit Analysis 158–70 (2012) (examining “the range of accounts of well-being proposed within the philosophical literature”).
  133. See generally EPA, supra note 10 (describing EPA’s approach to evaluating environmental policy using cost-benefit analysis).
  134. Chapron, Epstein & López-Bao, supra note 90, at 1392.
  135. Id.
  136. This move is correctly controversial. For example, it may be that it is easier to make such comparisons under a consequentialist view, which evaluates choices based on their outcomes. But some may object to consequentialism, either generally or in the context of nature’s rights—for example, because it fails to take seriously the obligations of individuals to act (or not act) in particular ways, which is distinct from the obligation to bring about (or not) certain outcomes. See generally F.M. Kamm, Non-Consequentialism, the Person as an End-in-Itself, and the Significance of Status, 21 Phil. & Pub. Affs. 354, 358–59 (1992) (“I believe that options [to not maximize overall best consequences] are justified by the view that persons are not mere means to the end of the best state of affairs, but ends-in-themselves, having a point even if they do not serve the best consequences.”). We put these critiques to one side, under the stipulation that welfare economic tools (or others that are associated with consequentialism) could be applied to reasoning concerning nature’s rights if they facilitate comparison between policy options with complex effects on the world. If this assumption does not hold, then nature’s rights face a range of additional difficulties.
  137. For the classic formulation of the problem, see Lionel Robbins, An Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science 139–40 (2d ed. 1935) (arguing that interpersonal utility comparisons are outside the boundaries of economic science altogether). See generally Ken Binmore, Interpersonal Comparison of Utility, in Oxford Handbook of Philosophy of Economics 540, 547–50 (Don Ross & Harold Kincaid eds., 2009) (providing overview); Marc Fleurbaey & Peter J. Hammond, Interpersonally Comparable Utility, in 2 Handbook of Utility Theory 1179, 1181 (Salvador Barberà, Peter J. Hammond & Christian Seidl eds., 2004) (same); Interpersonal Comparisons of Well-Being (Jon Elster & John E. Roemer eds., 1991) (collecting essays exploring various perspectives).
  138. See generally The Oxford Handbook of Well-Being and Public Policy (Matthew D. Adler & Marc Fleurbaey eds., 2016) (collecting diverse views).
  139. Binmore, supra note 136, at 541.
  140. See Lionel Robbins, Interpersonal Comparisons of Utility: A Comment, 48 Econ. J. 635, 637–38 (1938).
  141. John Rawls, A Theory of Justice 26–27 (rev. ed. 1999).
  142. Id. at 11.
  143. See id. at 13. John Harsanyi argues that Rawls places too much emphasis on worst-case scenarios. See John C. Harsanyi, Can the Maximin Principle Serve as a Basis for Morality? A Critique of John Rawls’s Theory, 69 Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. 594, 595–97 (1975).
  144. EPA, Guidelines for Preparing Economic Analyses A-3 (2010).
  145. The classic papers setting out the Kaldor-Hicks framework are: John R. Hicks, The Foundations of Welfare Economics, 49 Econ. J. 696 (1939) and Nicholas Kaldor, Welfare Propositions of Economics and Interpersonal Comparisons of Utility, 49 Econ. J. 549 (1939).
  146. See Matthew D. Adler & Eric A. Posner, New Foundations for Cost-Benefit Analysis 10–12 (2006) For an examination of the theoretical justification of using cost-benefit analysis as a policy tool, see generally id.
  147. See generally Tibor Scitovsky, A Note on Welfare Propositions in Economics, in Readings in Welfare Economics 390, 400–01 (Kenneth J. Arrow & Tibor Scitovsky eds., 1969) (introducing problem of preference cycles).
  148. See Adler, supra note 131, at 187–92; John C. Harsanyi, Cardinal Welfare, Individualistic Ethics, and Interpersonal Comparisons of Utility, 63 J. Pol. Econ. 309, 316–21 (1955) (offering account of how interpersonal comparisons can be made).
  149. See Daniel Kahneman, Objective Happiness, in Well-Being: The Foundations of Hedonic Psychology (Daniel Kahneman, Ed Diener & Norbert Schwarz eds., 1999). Cf. Paul W. Glimcher, Foundations of Neuroeconomic Analysis (2011) (developing notion of cardinal utility based on observable neurological information).
  150. Adler, supra note 131, at 185–92.
  151. Matthew D. Adler, Extended Preferences, in The Oxford Handbook of Well-Being and Public Policy, supra note 137, at 476, 476.
  152. See Hilary Greaves & Harvey Lederman, Extended Preferences and Interpersonal Comparisons of Well-Being, 96 Phil. & Phenomenological Res. 636, 645 (2018).
  153. EPA supra note 10, at 7-7 to 7-10.
  154. See generally Robert Costanza et al., The Value of the World’s Ecosystem Services and Natural Capital, 387 Nature 253 (1997) (estimating economic value of several ecosystem services, including pollination and nutrient cycling).
  155. Singer, supra note 8.
  156. See Taylor, supra note 94, at 122, 125, 128–29. See generally Nicholas Agar, Biocentrism and the Concept of Life, 108 Ethics 147 (1997) (developing a “continuum” of organisms from humans to “simple living things” that clarifies the degree of moral consideration that ought to be afforded).
  157. Compare J. Baird Callicott, In Defense of the Land Ethic: Essays in Environmental Philosophy (1989) (defending moral consideration of aggregates), with Tom Regan, The Case for Animal Rights 362 (1983) (criticizing as “[e]nvironmental fascism” views that suggest that the interests of individuals be subordinated to those of aggregates).
  158. See, e.g., Paul W. Taylor, The Ethics of Respect for Nature, 3 Env’t Ethics 197, 218 (1981) (“If we accept the biocentric outlook and accordingly adopt the attitude of respect for nature as our ultimate moral attitude, how do we resolve conflicts that arise from our respect for persons in the domain of human ethics and our respect for nature in the domain of environmental ethics? This is a question that cannot adequately be dealt with here.”).
  159. For a useful introduction to the field, see Daniel M. Hausman & Michael S. McPherson, Economic Analysis, Moral Philosophy, and Public Policy (2d ed. 2006).
  160. Making comparisons does not require the stronger relationship of commensurability. For a general discussion of the issue of commensuration in the context of legal decision making (including the adjudication of rights), see a useful symposium issue of the University of Pennsylvania Law Review. Symposium, Law and Incommensurability, 146 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1169 (1998).
  161. The word “individual” derives from the Latin indīviduus, meaning indivisible. See Individual, Oxford English Dictionary (3d ed. 2014). We set aside concerns about personal identity, although there is a vibrant philosophical literature on these questions. See, e.g., Eric T. Olson, The Human Animal: Personal Identity Without Psychology (1999); Marya Schechtman, The Constitution of Selves (1996); Derek Parfit, Reasons and Persons (reprt. 1987); see also Eric T. Olson, Personal Identity, Stan. Encyclopedia Phil. (last updated Sept. 6, 2019), https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/identity-personal/ [https://perma.cc/AVF6-G9M9].
  162. Examples include the U.S. Endangered Species Act of 1973, 16 U.S.C. §§ 1531–44 and the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora, Mar. 3, 1973, 27 U.S.T. 1087.
  163. Susan Milius, The Fuzzy Art of Defining Species, Science News, Nov. 11, 2017, at 22–24; see also Michael Ruse, Biological Species: Natural Kinds, Individuals, or What?, 38 Brit. J. Phil. Sci. 225, 226–27 (1987) (listing four biological concepts of “species”).
  164. See Frank E. Zachos, Species Concepts in Biology 77–96 (2016) (providing an annotated list of thirty-two definitions).
  165. See, e.g., Nat’l Ass’n of Home Builders v. Norton, 340 F.3d 835, 842 (9th Cir. 2003).
  166. For example, the Supreme Court has had an extraordinarily difficult time articulating coherent boundaries around what constitutes the “waters of the United States” for purposes of jurisdiction under the Clean Water Act. See, e.g., Rapanos v. United States, 547 U.S. 715 (2006).
  167. William Miller III, The Hierarchical Structure of Ecosystems: Connections to Evolution, 1 Evolution: Educ. & Outreach 16, 16 (2007).
  168. See Andreas Wilting et al., Planning Tiger Recovery: Understanding Intraspecific Variation for Effective Conservation, 1 Sci. Advances, June 26, 2015, at 1, DOI, 10.1126/sciadv.1400175.
  169. U.S. Endangered Species Act of 1973, 16 U.S.C. §§ 1531–44.
  170. Id. § 1536.
  171. Put aside the fact that there are no wild orangutans or tigers in the United States.
  172. Policy Regarding the Recognition of Distinct Vertebrate Population Segments Under the Endangered Species Act, 61 Fed. Reg. 4722, 4722 (Feb. 7, 1996) (“Any interpretation adopted should also be aimed at carrying out the purposes of the Act . . . .”).
  173. Id. at 4723.
  174. Id.
  175. Martha C. Nussbaum, Women and Human Development: The Capabilities Approach 59–71 (2001); Amartya Sen, Commodities and Capabilities (Oxford India Paperbacks 1999) (1987).
  176. Callicott argues that the distinction between individuals and collectives is an illusion because “‘individual organisms’ (including human organisms) are . . . ecological collectives.” J. Baird Callicott, How Ecological Collectives Are Morally Considerable, in The Oxford Handbook of Environmental Ethics 113, 113–14 (Stephen M. Gardiner & Allen Thompson eds., 2017). It is true that, as a biological matter, a person is made up of many trillions of human cells in addition to trillions of microorganisms—e.g., bacteria, viruses, protozoa, and fungi—representing hundreds of species. See Peter J. Turnbaugh et al., The Human Microbiome Project, 449 Nature 804, 804–06 (2007) (describing the microbiome and what is known about it). However, although human beings are collectives of a sort, we take it as uncontroversial that the interests of the sub-units can be safely ignored—it would be absurd to grant standing to a person’s gut biota to sue her small intestine over a conflict of resources. It is, perhaps, worth considering why some biological collectives (e.g., individual organisms) have this type of unity that others (e.g., species and ecosystems) lack. Consciousness and subjective experience provide one possible explanation. Indeed, one of the leading theories concerning the neurological basis of consciousness argues that its most basic function is the integration of information that is diffused across the organism. Giulio Tononi, Melanie Boly, Marcello Massimini & Christof Koch, Integrated Information Theory: From Consciousness to Its Physical Substrate, 17 Nature Revs. Neuroscience 450, 452 (2016) (“[T]he content of an experience (information) is integrated within a unitary consciousness.”).
  177. For a popular account of subjective experience of an octopus, see Peter Godfrey-Smith, Other Minds: The Octopus, the Sea, and the Deep Origins of Consciousness 98–106 (1st ed. 2016).
  178. Thomas Nagel, What Is It Like to Be a Bat?, 83 Phil. Rev. 435, 438–40 (1974).
  179. See Jennifer A. Mather, Cephalopod Consciousness: Behavioural Evidence, 17 Consciousness & Cognition 37, 37 (2008).
  180. Lusk & Norwood, supra note 116, at 479–80.
  181. Cf. List & Pettit, supra note 98, at 182 (discussing moral agency in the context of deliberating between groups of people and denying that aggregates have moral interests independent of individuals).
  182. See Babbitt v. Sweet Home Chapter of Cmtys. For a Great Or., 515 U.S. 687, 708 (1995) (holding that the definition of “harm” under the Endangered Species Act could include habitat loss).
  183. Here, correct prices are simply those that would exist in a perfect market.
  184. See, e.g., Harsanyi, supra note 147; Harsanyi, supra note 142.
  185. Rawls, supra 140, at 11.
  186. Id.
  187. As noted by Carlier and Treich, in the original position literature:[P]eople are asked to imagine that they do not know their gender, ethnic background, economic status, class, abilities or talents; they can be slaves, physically [disabled], mentally [disabled] and so forth, but they usually cannot be animals. Many mental barriers are overcome in this thought experiment, but not that of species.

    Carlier & Treich, supra note 8, at 131.

  188. For an account of fairly complex social relationships in the non-human world, see generally Frans de Waal, Chimpanzee Politics: Power and Sex Among Apes (1st U.S. ed. 1982) (studying the social organization of a chimpanzee colony).
  189. Wilfrid Sellars, Empiricism and the Philosophy of Mind 76 (Harv. Univ. Press 1997) (1956) (noting that the “space of reasons” is one “of justifying and being able to justify what one says,” i.e., one that requires quite sophisticated communicative capacities).
  190. Nils Chr. Stenseth, Where Have All the Species Gone? On the Nature of Extinction and the Red Queen Hypothesis, 33 Oikos 196, 196 (1979).
  191. Id. at 197–99, 223.
  192. Id. at 197.
  193. Levi T. Morran, Olivia G. Schmidt, Ian A. Gelarden, Raymond C. Parrish II & Curtis M. Lively, Running with the Red Queen: Host-Parasite Coevolution Selects for Biparental Sex, 333 Science 216, 216 (2011).
  194. We might imagine that transaction costs could create space between an evolutionarily stable equilibrium and the Pareto frontier.
  195. Karen Bradshaw argues that, to a limited degree, non-human animals have been granted some property rights. Karen Bradshaw, Animal Property Rights, 89 Univ. Colo. L. Rev. 809, 823 (2018). But even under a generous interpretation, as a share of the wealth of the world, the portion granted to non-humans is vanishingly small. The question of whether non-humans deserve more is one that sounds in justice and cannot be answered based on the existing state of the law.
  196. Derek Parfit, Equality and Priority, 10 Ratio (n.s.) 202, 213 (1997).
  197. See Rawls, supra note 140, at 13.
  198. See, e.g., Taylor, supra note 157, at 218.
  199. Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac 224–25 (1949).
  200. It is possible that Leopold meant the “biotic community” in local rather than global terms. See id. at 129–32 (understanding ecological effects by “thinking like a mountain”). If so, Leopold’s biotic communities would be akin to other aggregates (such as ecosystems or species) that are discussed above in Part II. For purposes of the discussion that follows, we interpret the biotic community as extending to the global scale.
  201. Individual, Oxford English Dictionary (3d ed. 2014); Charlton T. Lewis & Charles Short, In-dīviduus, A Latin Dictionary (1879), http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?‌doc=‌Per‌seus:‌text:‌1999.04.0060:‌entry=individuus [https://perma.cc/T6KU-XWLE].
  202. J.E. Lovelock, Gaia as Seen Through the Atmosphere, 6 Atmospheric Env’t 579, 579 (1972); James E. Lovelock & Lynn Margulis, Atmospheric Homeostasis by and for the Biosphere: The Gaia Hypothesis, 26 Tellus 2, 3 (1974).
  203. According to Margulis, Gaia “is not an organism” but “an emergent property of interaction among organisms.” She defined Gaia as “the series of interacting ecosystems that compose a single huge ecosystem at the Earth’s surface. Period.” Lynn Margulis, Symbiotic Planet: A New Look at Evolution 119–20 (1998).
  204. See David Abram, The Spell of the Sensuous: Perception and Language in a More-Than-Human World 302 n.62 (1996) (“Whatever the scientific fate of the Gaia hypothesis, . . . [it] ultimately encourages us to speak of the encompassing earth in the manner of our oral ancestors, as an animate, living presence.”).
  205. See Rosaleen Howard-Malverde, “Pachamama Is a Spanish Word”: Linguistic Tension Between Aymara, Quechua, and Spanish in Northern Potosí (Bolivia), 37 Anthropological Linguistics 141, 141–43 (1995).
  206. See, e.g., Dennis McKerlie, Egalitarianism and the Separateness of Persons, 18 Can. J. Phil. 205, 205, 207–08 (1988).
  207. It bears noting that even if the interests of persons are not treated separately, diminishing marginal utility of consumption would justify some level of redistribution in an unequal society.
  208. See, e.g., Adler, supra note 131, at 314–21.
  209. Sarah F. Brosnan & Frans B.M. de Waal, Monkeys Reject Unequal Pay, 425 Nature 297, 297 (2003).
  210. See generally Edward O. Wilson, Sociobiology: The New Synthesis 106–29 (1975) (exploring the biological origins of altruism).
  211. See Brosnan & de Waal, supra note 208, at 297.
  212. The influence of modern humans is particularly strong compared to other species, although that influence emerged gradually over time. If humans are understood as distinct from the biotic community due to this influence, it would raise the question of when, after Homo sapiens became a distinct species, its influence was sufficiently grave that it broke off from the biotic community as a whole.
  213. Many environmental ethicists reject the notion that humans are separate from nature in any fundamental sense. See generally Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature (William Cronon ed., 1995) (collection of essays exploring consequences of human-nature connection for environmental law and ethics). Of course, there is a long philosophical tradition that does separate humans from the rest of nature, based on characteristics such as the capacity for reason. Immanuel Kant, Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals 37 (Mary Gregor ed. & trans., Cambridge Univ. Press 1998) (1785) (distinguishing between “persons”—rational beings who are ends in themselves—and “things”—non-rational beings that have worth only as means). For a recent example, see George Kateb, Human Dignity (2011) (arguing that humans have a special responsibility of stewardship that other species do not). But such accounts are very much at odds with the one-entity approach, with its holistic emphasis on interdependence and the embeddedness of humans within broader natural systems.
  214. See generally Jedediah Purdy, After Nature: A Politics for the Anthropocene (2015) (exploring implications of pervasive human influence over the environment).
  215. Yinon M. Bar-On, Rob Phillips & Ron Milo, The Biomass Distribution on Earth, 115 Proc. Nat’l Acad. Sci. 6506, 6507–08 (2018).
  216. Elizabeth Pennisi, Plants Outweigh All Other Life on Earth, Sci. Mag. (May 21, 2018), https://www.sciencemag.org/news/2018/05/plants-outweigh-all-other-life-earth [https://perma.cc/S7VD-32J5].
  217. See Z.A. Wendling et al., 2020 Environmental Performance Index 1 (2020), https://epi.yale.edu/downloads/epi2020report20210112.pdf [https://perma.cc/Y54P-8PZX].
  218. Id.
  219. Id.
  220. Id.
  221. The EPI data is available at EPI Downloads, EPI2020 Results, https://epi.yale.edu/downloads [https://perma.cc/9YVK-7YM3].
  222. A principal components analysis of the issue category variables indicates that, although the first component accounts for nearly half the total variance, seven components are needed to account for ninety percent.
  223. Even if there were a single overarching dimension of environmental performance, that would not be the end of the inquiry—the moral basis for using the index to limit human activities would need to be defended.
  224. See Dworkin, supra note 104, at xi.
  225. See generally Michael A. Livermore & Richard L. Revesz, Rethinking Health-Based Environmental Standards, 89 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1184, 1186–90 (2014) (discussing the “stopping point problem” in the context of air quality regulation). Balancing would require that an interest be defined such that it could be compared to the costs of refraining from the activity.
  226. See generally Esperanza Martinez, Prólogo, in La Naturaleza Con Derechos: De la Filosofía a la Política 7, 13–20 (Alberto Acosta & Esperanza Martínez eds., 2010) (arguing for the transformational potential of nature’s rights). But see Mary Elizabeth Whittemore, The Problem of Enforcing Nature’s Rights Under Ecuador’s Constitution: Why the 2008 Environmental Amendments Have No Bite, 20 Pacific Rim L. & Pol’y J. 659, 661 (arguing that, “all things considered, successful execution of the environment provisions is unlikely in Ecuador’s legal and political environment”).
  227. Fundación Pachamama, Reconocimiento de los Derechos de la Naturaleza en la Constitución Ecuatoriana 12 (2010).
  228. Whittemore, supra note 225, at 661.
  229. As Patricia Siemen from the Center for Earth Jurisprudence warned, without political support, environmental rights “won’t be enforced.” Brandon Keim, Nature to Get Legal Rights in Bolivia, Wired (Apr. 18, 2011), https://www.wired.com/2011/04/gulf-natural-rights/ [https://perma.cc/XK4N-FL6E].
  230. Akchurin, supra note 81, at 956.
  231. Craig M. Kauffman & Pamela L. Martin, Can Rights of Nature Make Development More Sustainable? Why Some Ecuadorian Lawsuits Succeed and Others Fail, 92 World Dev. 130, 131 (2017).
  232. Id. at 134; Craig M. Kauffman, Rights of Nature Lawsuits in Ecuador, Env’t Pol. & Env’t Pol’y, https://blogs.uoregon.edu/craigkauffman/rights-of-nature-lawsuits-in-ecuador/ [https://‌perma.cc/H6YC-ZDRW].
  233. Kauffman & Martin, supra note 230, at 135–36.
  234. Id. at 134–35.
  235. Id. at 135.
  236. Id.
  237. Id. at 136–37.
  238. Id. at 137.
  239. Id.
  240. The conceptual problems outlined in Parts II and III would make it difficult, or impossible, to say whether nature’s rights have been appropriately vindicated in any given case. Nevertheless, we can evaluate judicial decisions involving nature’s rights on more general grounds. These include whether nature’s rights cases tend toward outcomes that the proponents of nature’s rights favor, whether decisions involving nature’s rights claims are predictable, and whether the reasons given by courts in nature’s rights cases are non-arbitrary and relate in a reasonable way to case outcomes.
  241. Corte Constitucional del Ecuador [Consitutional Court of Ecuador], Apr. 27, 2016, Sentencia No. 034-16-SIN-CC 1.
  242. Id. at 6.
  243. Id. at 14.
  244. Id.
  245. The court began by claiming that the constitutional change represented a “rupture with the traditional paradigm of considering nature a simple object.” Under this “new paradigm . . . nature is an independent subject of constitutional rights.” The court went on to state that “the Constitution breaks with an anthropocentric worldview, according to which humans are the center and end of all things, to a biocentrism one that recognizes that nature does not need humans but humans need nature.” La Corte Constitutional del Ecuador [the Constitutional Court of Ecuador] 27 Apr., 2016, Sentencia No. 034-16-SIN-CC 13 (translation by the author).
  246. Corte Constitucional del Ecuador, Sentencia No. 034-16-SIN-CC 16 (translation by the author).
  247. La Corte Constitutional del Ecuador [the Constitutional Court of Ecuador], May 20, 2015, Sentencia No. 166-15-SEP-CC 14.
  248. Id. at 13⁠–14.
  249. Id. at 15–16 (translation by the author).
  250. La Corte Constitutional del Ecuador [the Constitutional Court of Ecuador], Sept. 2, 2015, Sentencia No. 293-15-SEP-CC 2–3.
  251. Id. at 13.
  252. Id.
  253. See generally Frederick Schauer, The Force of Law 5 (2015) (arguing for the particular role of sanctions in understanding the distinctive nature of law); Richard A. Posner, Economic Analysis of Law 183–84 (3d ed. 1986) (focusing on ex-ante incentive effects of law).
  254. Rebecca Stone, Legal Design for the “Good Man,” 102 Va. L. Rev. 1767, 1806 (2016).
  255. See, e.g., Richard H. McAdams, The Expressive Powers of Law: Theories and Limits 9 (2017) (offering a general theory on how law affects behavior via effects on beliefs and attitudes).
  256. Robert Cooter, Expressive Law and Economics, 27 J. Legal Stud. 585, 586 (1998).
  257. See, e.g., Laitos, supra note 89, at 759, 797–98 (2019) (describing what amounts to expressive theory of nature’s rights, although not referring to it as such). As discussed above, indigenous communities often provide pivotal political support for efforts to create nature’s rights. See supra Part I. The (potential) instrumental value of nature’s rights, then, could be understood not only in terms of human-nature relationships but also based on whether they have positive effects on the standing or treatment of these communities within their societies. It is certainly possible for nature’s rights campaigns to have strategic value in promoting the broader political goals of indigenous communities. Whether such campaigns are the best use of scarce resources is a pragmatic judgment based on a complex set of political, cultural, social, and behavioral factors.
  258. Oliver A. Houck, Noah’s Second Voyage: The Rights of Nature as Law, 31 Tul. Env’t L.J. 1, 35 (2017).
  259. Linda Sheehan, Implementing Rights of Nature Through Sustainability Bills of Rights, 13 N.Z. J. Pub. & Int’l L. 89, 98 (2015).
  260. Akchurin, supra note 81, at 962.
  261. Stone, supra note 89, at 500–01.
  262. Matthew D. Adler, Expressive Theories of Law: A Skeptical Overview, 148 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1363, 1375 (2000). Adler ultimately rejects this type of expressive theory. Id. See also Cass R. Sunstein, On the Expressive Function of Law, 144 U. Pa. L. Rev. 2021, 2045 (1996) (distinguishing between expressive theories that focus on “norm management” from those that emphasize the “intrinsic” character of some statements).
  263. See generally Elizabeth S. Anderson & Richard H. Pildes, Expressive Theories of Law: A General Restatement, 148 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1503, 1504 (2000) (“[W]hat makes an action morally right depends on whether it expresses the appropriate valuations of (that is, attitudes toward) persons.”).
  264. Houck, supra note 257, at 35.
  265. See Cope, Creamer & Versteeg, supra note 15, at 155.
  266. See, e.g., Adam S. Chilton & Mila Versteeg, The Failure of Constitutional Torture Prohibitions, 44 J. Legal Stud. 417, 434 (2015) (finding no evidence that constitutional torture prohibitions have reduced rates of torture in a statistically significant or substantively meaningful way).
  267. David S. Law & Mila Versteeg, Sham Constitutions, 101 Calif. L. Rev. 863, 865–67 (2013).
  268. See generally Adam Chilton & Mila Versteeg, How Constitutional Rights Matter (2020) (examining the efficacy of constitutional rights); Chilton & Versteeg, supra note 15, at 577.
  269. Cope, Creamer & Versteeg, supra note 15, at 171; see generally Chilton & Versteeg, supra note 267 (examining in detail the efficacy of these rights).
  270. Cope, Creamer & Versteeg, supra note 15, at 171.
  271. Id.
  272. See generally Beth A. Simmons, Mobilizing for Human Rights: International Law in Domestic Politics (2009) (examining role of mobilization in the vindication of international human rights commitments); Charles R. Epp, The Rights Revolution: Lawyers, Activists, and Supreme Courts in Comparative Perspective (1998) (documenting the role of activists, organizations, and democratized access to courts in expanding civil rights and liberties in various jurisdictions).
  273. Cf. Vanberg, supra note 15, at 309 (arguing that procedural constitutional constraints have significant advantages over constitutional norms that attempt to secure broader substantive values); see also May & Daly, supra note 5, at 237 (suggesting that, collectively, such process rights can raise awareness, provide opportunities to participate, foster empowerment, strengthen local communities, facilitate government accountability, increase public acceptance of decisions, and contribute to the legitimacy of governmental action).
  274. See, e.g., Zygmunt J.B. Plater, Dealing with Dumb and Dumber: The Continuing Mission of Citizen Environmentalism, 20 J. Env’t L. & Litig. 9 (2005); Cary Coglianese, Social Movements, Law, and Society: The Institutionalization of the Environmental Movement, 150 U. Pa. L. Rev. 85, 87–88 (2001).
  275. See generally United Nations General Assembly, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders A/71/281 (2016) (describing the “increasing violence, intimidation, harassment and demonization” of environmental activists).
  276. United Nations Environmental Program, Environmental Rule of Law 116–34 (2019).
  277. Global Witness, Enemies of the State? 7, 23, 30 (2019).
  278. For example, within the United States, there is a long history of environmental organizations using procedural statutes for substantive ends. See generally William W. Buzbee, Fighting Westway: Environmental Law, Citizen Activism, and the Regulatory War That Transformed New York City 5 (2014) (documenting many ways groups used procedural challenges in the course of a year-long environmental campaign).