Democratic Failure and Emergencies: Myth or Reality?

Academics have long debated the ability of a democratic government to respond to emergencies. This historical debate has assumed new significance as scholars attempt to respond to the challenges presented by the twenty-first century and the “War on Terror.” Commentators have reached different conclusions regarding how a government should operate during times of emergency, but each commentator’s ultimate conclusion must first answer an underlying, prior question: What exactly happens to democracy during times of emergency?

Traditional emergency-politics theorists explain democratic government during emergency with the “democratic failure theory.” But revisionists, led by Professors Eric Posner and Adrian Vermeule, recently have attacked the “democratic failure” theory, asserting that nothing relevant happens during an emergency to inhibit the ability of a democratic government to function. Certainly, they concede, minorities might “lose” during emergencies, but they do in normal times as well.

This Note, while remaining ambivalent about a broad application of the traditionalists’ democratic failure theory, offers one counterpoint to Posner and Vermeule and their revisionist claim. Introducing primary source research and re-introducing forgotten or overlooked academic arguments, this Note presents a case study of the Japanese internment during World War II. The internment of individuals of Japanese descent was not merely the result, as revisionists argue, of a continuation of the peacetime baseline or of rational concerns for national security. Without contesting that those factors were relevant in the internment decisions, this Note argues that individuals of Japanese descent were interned primarily because an anti-Japanese West-Coast coalition successfully exploited the democratic failure caused by the emergency of World War II. The coalition had long sought these exclusionary measures, but before World War II, those measures lacked mainstream political appeal. World War II changed the political playing field, and the anti-Japanese coalition on the West Coast knew it. Capitalizing on the World War II democratic failure, the coalition finally harnessed the political capital necessary to achieve its exclusionary goal, if only temporarily.

Not-So-Serious Threats to Judicial Independence

Although recently several prominent leaders of the federal judiciary and the American Bar have decried contemporary threats to judicial independence as both serious and unprecedented, this Lecture offers an alternative perspective. I contend that the independence of the federal judiciary is secure. I argue that contemporary criticisms and challenges of the judiciary are relatively mild and, on balance, beneficial. 

I review three historical challenges to judicial independence and offer a lesson to be learned from those challenges. The most serious challenges to the independence of the federal judiciary occurred during the Jeffersonian, Reconstruction, and New Deal eras. The federal judiciary responded to those challenges by exercising restraint, which offers a lesson for those concerned about contemporary threats to judicial independence.

Some contend that contemporary threats to judicial independence include public criticism of judicial decisions, legislative attempts to curb the judiciary, and political battles to appoint federal judges, but these challenges are modest and even promote judicial independence. Public criticism, which is essential to democratic government and even judicial decision-making, is not a serious threat to judicial independence. Legislative curbs on the judiciary are an exceptional part of the political process against which the judiciary has ably defended its decisional independence. Finally, the confirmation process, however difficult or unpleasant, is a necessary check for those nominated for life-tenured judgeships. Ultimately, federal judges have the foremost responsibility for safeguarding their independence by exercising restraint.