The rise and fall of constitutional limits on state choice of law coincides almost perfectly with the so-called Lochner era in Supreme Court history and the connection is by no means accidental. This Note reveals that nearly half of all of the decisions in which the Court used “liberty of contract” reasoning to invalidate state or federal action—including the very first case to do so—dealt not with fundamental economic rights but with choice of law issues. After explaining how the Court’s choice of law doctrines worked, this Note concludes that for the most part they are not susceptible to the traditional criticisms of Lochner. This Note also concludes, however, that although Lochner may not teach us about the choice of law cases, the choice of law cases may help us better understand Lochner. Notions of consent-based political obligation evident in the choice of law cases can reconcile competing interpretations of the Lochner Court’s more controversial substantive due process decisions, while the embrace of legal realism that led the Court in the 1930s to discard its choice of law doctrines suggests that nonpolitical explanations for the abandonment of “Lochnerism” have been underappreciated in accounts of the New Deal Era Constitutional revolution. Choice of law theorists and legal historians alike would do well to revisit the complexities of the Supreme Court’s now-forgotten attempt to address the constitutional limits on the reach of state laws.
The Constitutional Right Against Excessive Punishment
When is a death sentence, a sentence of imprisonment, or a fine so “excessive” or “disproportionate” in relation to the crime for which it is imposed that it violates the Eighth Amendment? Despite the urgings of various commentators and the Supreme Court’s own repeated, albeit uncertain, gestures in the direction of proportionality regulation by the judiciary, the Court’s answer to this question within the past few decades is a body of law that is messy and complex, yet largely meaningless as a constraint. In the core of this ineffectual and incoherent proportionality jurisprudence lies a conceptual confusion over the meaning of proportionality. The Court’s latest statement on this question, Ewing v. California, is symptomatic of the Court’s confusion. This Article seeks to prepare the ground for a more coherent and potent jurisprudence of proportionality to develop by clarifying the concept of proportionality. First, this Article describes the way in which the Court’s confusion over the meaning of “proportionality” has been the source of the problem by discussing four different ways in which the Court has understood the term. Second, this Article proposes “retributivism as a side constraint” as a conception of proportionality that would bring together the disparate elements of the case law to establish a more coherent and effective constitutional doctrine. Third, this Article specifies the meaning of retributivism as a side constraint, emphasizing the distinction between comparative and noncomparative aspects of retributivism and the significance of the distinction for understanding not only what it means for one to “deserve” a punishment, but also the Supreme Court case law on excessive punishment.
Destabilizing Discourses: Blocking and Exploiting a New Discourse at Work in Gonzales v. Carhart
The purpose of this Note is to identify and analyze the interrelated discourses at work in Gonzales v. Carhart, focusing on the woman-protective discourse, in order to reveal the discourse’s origins, expose its manipulations of Casey’s undue burden test, and identify its strengths and weaknesses. Part I of this Note defines and describes the discourses at work in Gonzales, focusing on the cumulative work these discourses perform together and noting a meaningful series of shifts over time. Part II analyzes the woman-protective discourse in a variety of ways in order to draw out its assumptions, expose its historical predecessors, and outline exactly how it has manipulated the undue burden test. Part III examines ways in which this discourse can be resisted, using more traditional feminist methods, as well as ways in which it can be exploited to destabilize the undue burden test and promote women’s autonomy in non-abortion contexts.