Sosa and Substantive Solutions to Jurisdictional Problems

Suppose that Copernicus, as a public service, had undertaken to manage a planetarium designed on geocentric principles. Being Copernicus, he no doubt would have done a superb job, whatever reservations he may have had about the theoretical soundness of the business.

Judge William Fletcher, when he was Professor Fletcher, brought to his field a change close to a revolution, restoring general law to the conceptual universe and demonstrating the historical and theoretical inadequacy of the unsophisticated version of the Erie doctrine that had become dominant. By restoring the role of general law in the ontology of American jurisprudence, he both improved our understanding of earlier thinking and opened up possibilities that had been closed to those who thought that every legal norm must be the creation of some identifiable sovereign.

For example, recovering the general law, and the status of the law of nations as the pre-eminent example of general law, makes it possible to understand the framers’ decision to constitute the Supreme Court of the United States as a tribunal to decide cases between States of the Union, without granting Congress power to adopt the rules that would be applicable in such cases. That decision made sense to lawyers who believed that the Court would apply an existing set of legal norms, well known to them. Understanding the law that governs cases between States as general law, and not the law of any one sovereign, also makes unnecessary the post-Erie move of characterizing that law as federal in order to avoid the even more unreasonable result of calling it state law. Surely a boundary dispute between Massachusetts and Rhode Island should not be governed by the law of either contending party, but just as surely the Constitution provides no applicable rule, nor does it empower any federal lawmaking authority to create one. No federal law need be found, or invented, however, if the law of nations is available as general law.

Professor Fletcher is now Judge Fletcher, and as such his role is to operate the Supreme Court’s planetarium, without regard to his private views of its accuracy in depicting the legal cosmos. Combining his scholarly past with his present role as public servant, Judge Fletcher now brings his unique insights to bear on the Supreme Court’s latest encounter with general law turned federal common law, Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain. In that case the new federal common law gobbled up yet another bit of the general law, the law of nations referred to in 28 U.S.C. § 1350, the descendant of the alien tort clause of Section 9 of the Judiciary Act of 1789. As Judge Fletcher explains with his characteristic lucidity, the Court’s opinion answers some questions while leaving others open.

I will focus on one of the questions it leaves open, in an attempt to clarify the considerations that have driven the Court to conclude, in the face of text, structure, and history, that some unwritten norms are laws of the United States as that term is used in the Constitution. The question is whether this latest bit of the new federal common law, the bit that incorporates some of the law of nations, is federal law for purposes of Article VI as well as Article III. I will argue that it will have to be so regarded, and that the reasons for that conclusion help expose the complexities, not to say inanities, that follow from the Court’s decision to deny the separate existence of general law and absorb much of it into federal law.

Counterinsurgency, The War on Terror, And The Laws of War: A Response

As a graduate student attending George Washington University in the late sixties, I attended a debate between John Norton Moore and Richard Falk concerning both the wisdom and validity of the ongoing war in Vietnam. As John Moore rose to respond to Professor Falk’s critique of the Vietnam conflict, he uttered this very memorable line: “Dick, I disagree with but two of your points—your premise and your conclusion.” After all of these years, I can offer this same assessment regarding Ganesh Sitaraman’s article stating his perceived need for revision of the existing Law of War (LOW) in order for the United States to successfully implement a modern counterinsurgency strategy.

The premise: An ongoing “global insurgency” now represents the single most significant national security threat to the United States. Counterinsurgency has become the warfare of this age, and the current LOW cannot effectively accommodate this military reality.

The conclusion: It is essential that the international community devise two Laws of War—a conventional Law of War and a law for “counterinsurgency war.”

The Lost Promise of Civil Rights

In this groundbreaking book, Risa L. Goluboff offers a provocative new account of the history of American civil rights law. The Supreme Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education has long dominated that history. Since 1954, generations of judges, lawyers, and ordinary people have viewed civil rights as a project of breaking down formal legal barriers to integration, especially in the context of public education. Goluboff recovers a world before Brown, a world in which civil rights was legally, conceptually, and constitutionally up for grabs. Then, the petitions of black agricultural workers in the American South and industrial workers across the nation called for a civil rights law that would redress economic as well as legal inequalities. Lawyers in the new Civil Rights Section of the Department of Justice and in the NAACP took the workers’ cases and viewed them as crucial to attacking Jim Crow. By the time NAACP lawyers set out on the path to Brown, however, they had eliminated workers’ economic concerns from their litigation agenda. When the lawyers succeeded in Brown, they simultaneously marginalized the host of other harms—economic inequality chief among them—that afflicted the majority of African Americans during the mid-twentieth century. By uncovering the lost challenges workers and their lawyers launched against Jim Crow in the 1940s, Goluboff shows how Brown only partially fulfilled the promise of civil rights.