Virtual Liberty: Freedom to Design and Freedom to Play in Virtual Worlds

Regulation of virtual worlds has become an important issue in cyberspace law as more and more people spend increasing amounts of their lives in these spaces. This Article discusses the basic questions of freedom and regulation in virtual environments. 

There are three kinds of freedom in virtual worlds. The first is the freedom of the players to participate in the virtual world through their in-game representations, or avatars. This is the freedom to play. The second is the freedom of the game designer to plan, construct, and maintain the virtual world. This is the freedom to design. A third is the collective right of the designers and players to build and enhance the game space together. This is the freedom to design together. 

These rights overlap in important respects with the constitutional rights of freedom of speech, expression and association. Virtually all activity in virtual worlds must begin as some form of expression, and therefore virtually all forms of legally redressable injury in virtual worlds will be some form of communications tort. However, the law of the First Amendment, as it currently exists, does not adequately protect many important features of the rights to design and play. 

Many virtual spaces are rapidly becoming sites of real world and virtual world commerce. In the future game designers will likely attempt to invoke the First Amendment to avoid regulation of their business practices. However, game designers will lose First Amendment protection to the extent that they encourage real-world commodification of virtual items. The Article concludes by discussing different models of regulation of virtual worlds, including the model of consumer protection, the virtual world as company town, and virtual worlds as places of public accommodation.

Better a Catholic Than a Communist

In 1948, the Supreme Court in McCollum v. Board of Education declared a “released time” program for religious instruction in the Champaign, Illinois, public schools unconstitutional. Four years later in Zorach v. Clauson, the Court upheld an almost identical program in the New York City public schools. The Court distinguished the two programs on the grounds that the instruction in Champaign occurred in the school building, while the instruction in New York occurred off school grounds.

It is clear this factual distinction was persuasive to at least one justice, yet Justice Douglas inexplicably included in his opinion for the Court another justification for finding the New York plan constitutional. He wrote that Americans “are a religious people whose institutions presuppose a Supreme Being.”

This Note offers an explanation for Justice Douglas’s appeal to Americans as a religious people and contends that the argument was persuasive to the majority, save for Justice Burton. It argues that increasing post-war anti-Catholicism and the Court’s decision in Everson created a climate in 1948 where the country was concerned with a growing Catholic influence in the public schools. Following Everson, McCollum provided the Court with an opportunity to draw a line and establish Mr. Jefferson’s high wall, so much discussed in Everson, between the church and state sponsored education. 

Following McCollum, however, the country’s concern shifted to Communism. With this shift, the country’s perception of “released time” public education changed. Instead of viewing these programs as opportunities for Catholic influence in the public schools, the country viewed public religious education as an opportunity to oppose the spread of “Godless Communism,” and opposition to “released time” education was characterized as support for totalitarianism.
This Note posits that Justice Douglas’s appeal to the religious character of America reflected the changed historical context from McCollum to Zorach, namely, that by 1952 it was better to be a Catholic than a Communist.

The Case for For-Profit Charities

Nonprofit firms may earn profits, but they may not distribute them to any affiliated persons. If a nonprofit firm has a “charitable” purpose under § 501(c)(3) of the tax code, the firm receives numerous tax advantages. For example, donors may deduct their donations to the firm from their taxable personal income. For-profit firms may distribute profits to affiliated persons, but receives no tax advantages for engaging in “charitable” activities. We argue that the law should not link tax benefits to corporate form in this way. There may be good arguments for recognizing the nonprofit form and good arguments for providing tax subsidies to charitable firms, but there is no good argument for making those tax subsidies available only to charities that adopt the nonprofit form. Indeed, there are reasons to think the ability to distribute profits to affiliates may both increase and improve charitable activities. Moreover, the extensive charitable activities of many for-profit commercial firms suggest that in the absence of discriminatory tax treatment for-profit charities would flourish. Therefore, the current tax benefits offered to charitable nonprofits should be extended to for-profit charities, and to the charitable activities of for-profit commercial firms.