Race, Sex, and Rulemaking: Administrative Constitutionalism and the Workplace, 1960 to the Present

This Article uses the history of equal employment rulemaking at the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) and the Federal Power Commission (FPC) to document and analyze, for the first time, how administrative agencies interpret the Constitution. Although it is widely recognized that administrators must implement policy with an eye on the Constitution, neither constitutional nor administrative law scholarship has examined how administrators approach constitutional interpretation. Indeed, there is limited understanding of agencies’ core task of interpreting statutes, let alone of their constitutional practice.

During the 1960s and 1970s, officials at the FCC relied on a strikingly broad and affirmative interpretation of the Constitution’s equal protection guarantees to adopt and enforce rules requiring equal employment in the FCC’s regulated industries. Meanwhile, administrators at the FPC relied on a quite different understanding of equal protection to reject similar rules.

Federal officials’ differing views of whether the Constitution authorized, perhaps even required, them to regulate workplace discrimination illuminates an unexamined aspect of constitutional governance that I call administrative constitutionalism: administrators’ interpretation and implementation of the Constitution. For the most part, administrative constitutionalism involves administrators’ creative extension or narrowing of court doctrine in the absence of clear judicially defined rules. However, it also includes administrators selectively ignoring clearly relevant precedent or resisting judicial interpretations by acquiescing to a reviewing court’s judgment but not to the constitutional principle on which that judgment is based.

The history of equal employment rulemaking at the FCC and the FPC supports three conclusions. First, equal protection followed a notably different path in administrative agencies than it did in the courts. Second, this example of administrative constitutionalism suggests some general features of administrators’ constitutional practice, particularly that administrators are guided, but not always bound, by court doctrine. Third, administrative constitutionalism is likely a recurring and persistent feature of the modern American state. To the extent that administrative constitutionalism differs from court constitutionalism, a complete account of the substance and scope of constitutional governance must consider the constitutional practice of administrative agencies.

Countering the Majoritarian Difficulty

Most state court judges are elected to office, and thus must be attentive to voter preferences just like other elected officials. Critics of judicial elections fear that subjecting judges to majoritarian pressures jeopardizes the rights of disfavored groups and undermines the rule of law, and accordingly call for their abolition. The reality, however, is that judicial elections are firmly entrenched in thirty-eight states, and thus appear to be a permanent part of the legal landscape. 

This article suggests that the so-called “majoritarian difficulty” posed by elected judges can be tempered by regular interactions with appointed, life-tenured federal judges, who are better insulated from public opinion. By constitutional design, the federal courts work closely with their state counterparts, overseeing state court decisions and sharing jurisdiction over questions of both state and federal law. As a result, federal courts have the potential to offset majoritarian influences on state courts by reviewing state court decisions, issuing binding and persuasive precedent on questions of federal and state law, and providing state courts with political cover for unpopular decisions. Most important, litigants can often frame their cases to get into federal court when they fear that an elected state court judge would be likely to rule against them. 

After describing the important role that federal courts can play in diluting majoritarian influences on elected state court judges, the article then examines empirical evidence suggesting that federal courts are, in fact, more involved in overseeing elected state court judges than their appointed counterparts. The article concludes by asserting that federal courts should assume a more proactive role in mitigating the majoritarian difficulty by taking a state’s judicial selection method into account when making jurisdictional choices.