Constitutional Rights and Remedial Consistency

When the Supreme Court declined definitively to block Texas’s S.B. 8, which effectively eliminated pre-enforcement federal remedies for what was then a plainly unconstitutional restriction on abortion rights, a prominent criticism was that the majority would have never tolerated the similar treatment of preferred legal protections—like gun rights. This refrain reemerged when California enacted a copycat regime for firearms regulation. This theme sounds in the deep-rooted idea that judge-made law should adhere to generality and neutrality values requiring doctrines to derive justification from controlling a meaningful class of cases ascertained by objective legal criteria.

This Article is about consistency, and inconsistency, in judicial decision-making—and more specifically, about the extent to which federal courts should provide similar opportunities to obtain relief for wrongs to discrete constitutional rights. The Article explores how a commitment to generality and neutrality values can translate into a paradigm promoting transsubstantivity (meaning consistent applicability across separate substantive concerns) for constitutional remedies (meaning rules for implementing and preventing or punishing the violation of constitutional rights)—and how the Supreme Court has deviated from this paradigm. Supported by an array of examples, the Article proposes a novel framework turning on the notion that remedial inconsistency can be transparent, translucent, or opaque given the clarity of doctrinal inconsistency. Prophylactic remedial doctrines (like the Miranda-warning mandate and First Amendment overbreadth) are transparently inconsistent, for instance, because they apply differently to discrete rights on their faces. And indeterminate remedial standards (like the political question doctrine for justiciability and the “plan of the Convention” doctrine for state sovereign immunity) are opaquely inconsistent because discerning their variable character requires inductive analysis of actual applications.

After these descriptive claims, the Article proceeds to a normative examination of how this framework could help improve judicial approaches to constitutional remedies—while recognizing that non-transsubstantive doctrines are desirable in many circumstances. Courts, for example, should work to make doctrines of opaque and translucent inconsistency more transparent so that appropriate institutional actors can more easily assess, affirm, alter, or abandon them. And judges should consider the risk of introducing unnecessary elements of opaque inconsistency before relying on overdeterminative reasoning to reach otherwise established results. Among additional contributions, by providing innovative tools for centering remedial consistency as an important—but not absolute—aspect of constitutional law, this Article offers a potential step toward decreasing perceptions of the Supreme Court’s work as pervasively political, thereby reinforcing its legitimacy at this time of widespread skepticism.

Introduction

What if the U.S. Supreme Court had decided Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization1.142 S. Ct. 2228 (2022).Show More differently, such that Roe v. Wade2.410 U.S. 113 (1973).Show More (or some other set of abortion protections) remained the law of the land? It might not have mattered much in practice. For as those paying attention even before the Dobbs opinion leak will remember, Texas enacted a “heartbeat bill,” S.B. 8 (Senate Bill 8), prohibiting abortion at a point in pregnancy long before prevailing precedent allowed—and long before many people would have known they were pregnant.3.See Shannon Najmabadi, Gov. Greg Abbott Signs into Law One of Nation’s Strictest Abortion Measures, Banning Procedure as Early as Six Weeks into a Pregnancy, Tex. Trib. (May 19, 2021, 11:00 AM), https://www.texastribune.org/2021/05/18/texas-heartbeat-bill-ab‌ortions-law [https://perma.cc/MRV9-UFKW].Show More By confining the bill’s enforcement to civil suits with private plaintiffs, Texas circumvented the usual system that enables regulated parties to challenge a law’s constitutionality in federal court without running the risk of violating it.4.See Charlie Savage, What is Ex Parte Young, Much-Discussed in the Texas Abortion Case?, N.Y. Times (Nov. 1, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/01/us/politics/what-is-ex-parte.html [https://perma.cc/ZB9F-ELTX].Show More Separate and apart from Dobbs, that is, Texas avoided a crucial remedy for enforcing abortion rights and, in doing so, essentially eliminated abortion rights themselves. Other states soon followed suit.5.See Kate Zernike, Idaho Is First State to Pass Abortion Ban Based on Texas’ Law, N.Y. Times (Mar. 14, 2022), https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/14/us/idaho-abortion-bill-texas.‌html [https://perma.cc/9U98-2CTA].Show More

The Supreme Court refused to reject this scheme first on the shadow docket (by declining to prevent S.B. 8 from taking effect)6.Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson, 141 S. Ct. 2494, 2495 (2021).Show More and then after merits briefing and oral argument (by holding that challengers could not sue state court judges, state court clerks, the state attorney general, or a potential private plaintiff).7.Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson, 142 S. Ct. 522, 539 (2021).Show More The Court did permit the case to continue against a handful of Texas officials responsible for medical licensing.8.Id.Show More But in response to a certified question on remand, the Supreme Court of Texas interpreted state law as withholding enforcement authority from those officials, effectively ending the attack on S.B. 8 more than three months before Dobbs came down.9.See Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson, 642 S.W.3d 569, 583 (Tex. 2022); see also Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson, 31 F.4th 1004, 1006 (5th Cir. 2022) (instructing the district court to “dismiss all challenges to the private enforcement provisions of the statute”).Show More

Critics condemned the Supreme Court for allowing this remedial end-run around abortion rights.10 10.See, e.g., Strict Scrutiny, A Uterus, If You Can Keep It, Crooked Media, at 27:00 (Dec. 10, 2021), https://castbox.fm/episode/A-Uterus%2C-If-You-Can-Keep-It-id2173578-id4496‌96579? [https://perma.cc/LMQ9-WS9A] (podcast episode hosted by Professors Leah Litman, Melissa Murray, and Kate Shaw, with guest Professor Steve Vladeck).Show More One prominent theme became that the majority would have never tolerated the similar treatment of some preferred legal protection—say, gun rights. “Imagine a world in which the DOJ was challenging a CA law that was identical to TX #SB8 but swap abortion for guns,” Professor Amanda Hollis-Brusky posted on X, formerly Twitter.11 11.Amanda Hollis-Brusky (@HollisBrusky), X (Dec. 10, 2021, 11:00 AM), https://twitter.‌com/HollisBrusky/status/1469336195045814278?s=20 [https://perma.cc/NRH3-SCD3].Show More “Gun sales have stopped,” and “[g]un ownership is a de facto state crime despite 2nd A,” she continued, referencing the Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms.12 12.Id.Show More “Now ask yourself,” she said rhetorically: “[W]ould the conservative Justices have ruled differently?”13 13.Id.; see also, e.g., Jacob D. Charles, Are Gun Rights Safe After S.B. 8?, The Hill (Dec. 15, 2021, 9:31 AM), https://thehill.com/opinion/judiciary/585700-are-gun-rights-safe-after-sb8/ [https://perma.cc/LXW5-DPRB] (stating that “it would be hard to see the conservative justices reaching that same conclusion if gun rights were at stake”).Show More This refrain reemerged when California indeed enacted a copycat gun-control scheme14 14.E.g., Evan Bernick (@evanbernick), X (July 23, 2022, 11:50 PM), https://perma.cc/‌VAQ4-4MPW (“If SCOTUS does take [the California gun control law] up, I doubt it will be treated similarly. Which is part of why the prospect of this getting struck down is not going to deter conservatives from modeling other stuff on SB 8.”); see Cal. Code Civ. Proc. § 1021.11.Show More—which went into effect after a federal trial court held a tangential provision invalid.15 15.See S. Bay Rod & Gun Club, Inc. v. Bonta, 646 F. Supp. 3d 1232, 1235 (S.D. Cal. 2022); Miller v. Bonta, 646 F. Supp. 3d 1218, 1222 (S.D. Cal. 2022); see Jon Healey, Californians Have a Green Light to Sue the Gun Industry. How Will That Work?, L.A. Times (Jan. 1, 2023, 3:36 PM), https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-01-01/californians-will-soon-have‌-their-chance-to-sue-the-gun-industry [https://perma.cc/XT7P-6A7Q] (explaining that a federal district court “nixed . . . the ‘fee-shifting’ provision that would have saddled gun-industry litigants with all or part of the court costs from any suit challenging the state’s gun controls, even if they prevailed in court,” but that “[t]he rest of [the law] remains in effect, including the private right of action”).Show More

Stakeholders on the left are justified in feeling this anxiety. But they are not alone, for stakeholders on the right have repeatedly leveled a converse condemnation about the preceding era in judicial history. The majority in Dobbs itself contended that prior abortion jurisprudence “diluted the strict standard for facial constitutional challenges,” “ignored the Court’s third-party standing doctrine,” “disregarded standard res judicata principles,” “distorted First Amendment doctrines,” and “flouted” both “the ordinary rules on the severability of unconstitutional provisions” and “the rule that statutes should be read where possible to avoid unconstitutionality.”16 16.Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 142 S. Ct. 2228, 2275–76 (2022).Show More

Comments like these arise from and attest to the idea that at the federal level, the United States has two Constitutions: what one could call the conservative Constitution and what one could call the liberal or progressive Constitution. The point is not only that different ideological groups interpret the Constitution using different methods and causing different effects. The point is also that different ideological groups value, invoke, and—in the case of judges—advance the law surrounding different constitutional provisions to the detriment or disregard of others. As Professor Zachary Price puts a similar point, while progressives “typically embrace a constitutional vision centered on advancing social justice, protecting sexual and reproductive autonomy, and enabling expert administrative governance,” conservatives “typically focus on protecting historic understandings of individual rights (including gun rights and religious freedom), leaving moral questions to the political process, and restoring a traditional view of separation of powers.”17 17.Zachary S. Price, Symmetric Constitutionalism: An Essay on Masterpiece Cakeshop and the Post-Kennedy Supreme Court, 70 Hastings L.J. 1273, 1280 (2019).Show More

This phenomenon comes into stark relief with respect to individual rights—those provisions, largely located in the Bill of Rights and the Reconstruction Amendments, that constrain government action to preserve spheres of personal freedom. A 2016 survey, for example, found that while “41% of Americans” identified the First Amendment as “the most important” part of the Bill of Rights, “Republicans (27%)” were “much more likely than Democrats (6%) to say that the Second Amendment is the most important,” with Democrats putting the Fourth Amendment in second place.18 18.Peter Moore, First Amendment Is the Most Important, and Well Known, Amendment, YouGov (Apr. 12, 2016, 3:15 PM), https://today.yougov.com/topics/politics/articles-reports/‌2016/04/12/bill-rights [https://perma.cc/Q73Y-5FDM].Show More And while the Roberts Court has recently elevated Second Amendment protections to unprecedented heights,19 19.See generally Jacob D. Charles, The Dead Hand of a Silent Past: Bruen, Gun Rights, and the Shackles of History, 73 Duke L.J. 67 (2023) (outlining the unique development of, and some challenges within, Second Amendment jurisprudence).Show More the Justices have not granted plenary review on a Fourth Amendment question for more than three years.20 20.See Joel S. Johnson, Supreme Court Cases of Interest, Crim. Just., Fall 2023, at 44, 44–45 (noting that “[t]he Court has not granted certiorari on a Fourth Amendment issue since 2020”).Show More

That different ideological groups favor and disfavor separate sets of constitutional provisions undoubtedly contributes to declining confidence in the Supreme Court.21 21.See Jodi Kantor & Jo Becker, Former Anti-Abortion Leader Alleges Another Supreme Court Breach, N.Y. Times (Nov. 19, 2022), https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/19/us/supreme‌-court-leak-abortion-roe-wade.html [https://perma.cc/6VD6-GJF9] (“A majority of Americans are losing confidence in the institution, polls show, and its approval ratings are at a historic low. Critics charge that the court has become increasingly politicized, especially as a new conservative supermajority holds sway.”).Show More Knowing that members of the two major political parties and the predominant legal factions prefer discrete protections, it is not surprising that recent survey results indicate that when asked how well the Justices are “keeping their own political views out of how they decide major cases,” 53% of all respondents answered “only fair” or “poor,” while just 18% answered “excellent” or “good.”22 22.Positive Views of Supreme Court Decline Sharply Following Abortion Ruling, Pew Rsch. Ctr. (Sept. 1, 2022), https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2022/09/01/positive-views-of-sup‌reme-court-decline-sharply-following-abortion-ruling/ [https://perma.cc/MXM3-8TP7].Show More Nor is it surprising, given the Court’s changing composition, that Democrats expressed significantly more negative views, with 70% choosing “only fair” or “poor” and just 6% choosing “excellent” or “good.”23 23.Id.Show More Given these realities, one could reasonably feel pessimistic about how much could be done in the near future from a cross-ideological perspective to improve perceptions about the law of constitutional rights. A possible path to achieving a similar bridge-building objective, however, emerges with respect to how courts enforce such rights—with respect, that is, to the law of constitutional remedies.

This Article is about consistency, and inconsistency, in judicial decision-making—and more specifically, about the extent to which federal courts should provide similar opportunities to obtain relief for wrongs to discrete constitutional rights. Underlying both sets of abortion-related criticisms above is the idea that certain facets of the law—and especially the law of constitutional remedies, understood “broadly” (for thematic purposes here, but not everywhere) as including “rules for implementing constitutional rights and preventing or punishing their violation”24 24.Daryl J. Levinson, Rights Essentialism and Remedial Equilibration, 99 Colum. L. Rev. 857, 861 (1999).Show More—should stay consistent across separate substantive areas. This idea, the remedial consistency paradigm, derives in part from the deeply rooted values of generality and neutrality in judicial decision-making. But the remedial consistency paradigm does not always control. With the Roberts Court repeatedly placing discrete rights guarantees on different remedial grounds, this topic deserves systematic scholarly scrutiny.

This Article advances in three parts. Part I explains how the remedial consistency paradigm arises from the concept of transsubstantivity, beginning by connecting the paradigm with generality and neutrality values and exploring transsubstantivity’s current salience. This Part then offers several conceptual observations—including that while discussions about transsubstantivity usually relate to doctrinal consistency across discrete legal issues, transsubstantivity can also relate to doctrinal consistency across discrete interests or facts; that transsubstantivity represents a matter of degree; and that transsubstantivity depends on the measure of evaluation. Finally, this Part discusses why transsubstantivity is especially important in the context of constitutional remedies as a species of process law and as a possible point of cross-ideological consensus. Critically, constitutional remedies are the focus of the analysis throughout. But before introducing that context, the explanatory sections rely on examples from other areas as well. The implication is not that considerations concerning transsubstantivity should look the same within and beyond constitutional remedies—just that one can gain a richer understanding of the concept without worrying about context-specific limitations.

Part II proposes a novel framework for understanding remedial inconsistency in constitutional adjudication. The framework provides a classification of different kinds of remedial inconsistency organized by the clarity of non-transsubstantivity, with concrete examples for each. Transparent inconsistency, which includes prophylactic and legislative remedial doctrines, refers to areas of law that treat discrete referents differently on their faces. Translucent inconsistency emerges through background knowledge about the legal landscape, including with respect to areas implicating fact-sensitive versus fact-insensitive claims and irregular interactions with external sources of law. Opaque inconsistency, which often surrounds doctrines involving indeterminate tests and comparator cases demonstrating uneven reliance on expansive principles, becomes apparent only with inductive analysis of actual applications.

This Part introduces, both conceptually and illustratively, a large body of constitutional remedies doctrines that treat discrete substantive concerns differently. The catalog is extensive but not exhaustive, and the borders between the categories of transparent, translucent, and opaque inconsistency can be cloudy and contestable. Someone may think, for instance, that a case described here as opaquely inconsistent is actually translucently inconsistent—or not inconsistent with other relevant areas at all. But that should not detract from the bigger-picture argument that non-transsubstantivity is present, prevalent, and patterned along analytically important lines throughout constitutional remedies law.

Courts, and especially the Supreme Court, can do better. Moving from the descriptive to the normative, Part III explores four ideas for improving judicial decision-making premised on the preceding analysis. The first revolves around enhancing attention on remedial consistency by spotlighting occasions for adherence and defending instances of divergence. One way to do so involves imagining a rebuttable presumption by which constitutional remedies should apply the same way to discrete referents unless circumstances warrant idiosyncratic treatment. The second idea for improvement entails increasing transparency. All non-transsubstantive doctrines involve variable ranges, but because they apply differently to discrete referents on their faces, transparently inconsistent doctrines involve variable rationales too. The latter characteristic facilitates holding courts accountable for departures from the remedial consistency paradigm at the time of decision and evaluating their continuing justifications into the future—such that judges should work to make inconsistent doctrines more transparent.

The third idea for improvement concerns decreasing the overdetermination endemic to judicial decision-making. Judges have a lawyerly habit of oversubstantiating their analyses with more lines of logic than necessary. This runs the risk of introducing inconsistent elements (and especially opaquely inconsistent elements) into diverse doctrinal areas, as the more reasoning an opinion includes, the more likely that it will conflict with the reasoning in other opinions. The fourth idea for improvement encourages reconsidering, though not necessarily rejecting, foundational doctrines that become inconsistent (or more inconsistent) across constitutional contexts through extensive exceptions or debatable distinctions. Rather than overruling precedent, courts often carve controversial case law into finer and finer, and sometimes more non-transsubstantive, fragments. Focusing on remedial consistency favors reevaluating such decisions in whole.

Among additional contributions, this Part argues that centering remedial consistency as an important, but not absolute, aspect of constitutional law could potentially help reinforce the Supreme Court’s legitimacy at this time of widespread skepticism. For the Court loses legitimacy—whether conceptualized sociologically, morally, or legally—by acting in ways that people perceive as “political” rather than “legal.” By reducing opportunities for favoritism and disfavoritism (and especially unacknowledged favoritism and disfavoritism) among constitutional claims, the ideas suggested here could help renew some faith in the Court as committed to deciding cases on appropriate bases.

  1.  142 S. Ct. 2228 (2022).
  2.  410 U.S. 113 (1973).
  3.  See Shannon Najmabadi, Gov. Greg Abbott Signs into Law One of Nation’s Strictest Abortion Measures, Banning Procedure as Early as Six Weeks into a Pregnancy, Tex. Trib. (May 19, 2021, 11:00 AM), https://www.texastribune.org/2021/05/18/texas-heartbeat-bill-ab‌ortions-law [https://perma.cc/MRV9-UFKW].
  4.  See Charlie Savage, What is Ex Parte Young, Much-Discussed in the Texas Abortion Case?, N.Y. Times (Nov. 1, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/01/us/politics/what-is-ex-parte.html [https://perma.cc/ZB9F-ELTX].
  5.  See Kate Zernike, Idaho Is First State to Pass Abortion Ban Based on Texas’ Law, N.Y. Times (Mar. 14, 2022), https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/14/us/idaho-abortion-bill-texas.‌html [https://perma.cc/9U98-2CTA].
  6.  Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson, 141 S. Ct. 2494, 2495 (2021).
  7.  Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson, 142 S. Ct. 522, 539 (2021).
  8.  Id.
  9.  See Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson, 642 S.W.3d 569, 583 (Tex. 2022); see also Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson, 31 F.4th 1004, 1006 (5th Cir. 2022) (instructing the district court to “dismiss all challenges to the private enforcement provisions of the statute”).
  10.  See, e.g., Strict Scrutiny, A Uterus, If You Can Keep It, Crooked Media, at 27:00 (Dec. 10, 2021), https://castbox.fm/episode/A-Uterus%2C-If-You-Can-Keep-It-id2173578-id4496‌96579? [https://perma.cc/LMQ9-WS9A] (podcast episode hosted by Professors Leah Litman, Melissa Murray, and Kate Shaw, with guest Professor Steve Vladeck).
  11.  Amanda Hollis-Brusky (@HollisBrusky), X (Dec. 10, 2021, 11:00 AM), https://twitter.‌com/HollisBrusky/status/1469336195045814278?s=20 [https://perma.cc/NRH3-SCD3].
  12.  Id.
  13.  Id.; see also, e.g., Jacob D. Charles, Are Gun Rights Safe After S.B. 8?, The Hill (Dec. 15, 2021, 9:31 AM), https://thehill.com/opinion/judiciary/585700-are-gun-rights-safe-after-sb8/ [https://perma.cc/LXW5-DPRB] (stating that “it would be hard to see the conservative justices reaching that same conclusion if gun rights were at stake”).
  14.  E.g., Evan Bernick (@evanbernick), X (July 23, 2022, 11:50 PM), https://perma.cc/‌VAQ4-4MPW (“If SCOTUS does take [the California gun control law] up, I doubt it will be treated similarly. Which is part of why the prospect of this getting struck down is not going to deter conservatives from modeling other stuff on SB 8.”); see Cal. Code Civ. Proc. § 1021.11.
  15.  See S. Bay Rod & Gun Club, Inc. v. Bonta, 646 F. Supp. 3d 1232, 1235 (S.D. Cal. 2022); Miller v. Bonta, 646 F. Supp. 3d 1218, 1222 (S.D. Cal. 2022); see Jon Healey, Californians Have a Green Light to Sue the Gun Industry. How Will That Work?, L.A. Times (Jan. 1, 2023, 3:36 PM), https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-01-01/californians-will-soon-have‌-their-chance-to-sue-the-gun-industry [https://perma.cc/XT7P-6A7Q] (explaining that a federal district court “nixed . . . the ‘fee-shifting’ provision that would have saddled gun-industry litigants with all or part of the court costs from any suit challenging the state’s gun controls, even if they prevailed in court,” but that “[t]he rest of [the law] remains in effect, including the private right of action”).
  16.  Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 142 S. Ct. 2228, 2275–76 (2022).
  17.  Zachary S. Price, Symmetric Constitutionalism: An Essay on Masterpiece Cakeshop and the Post-Kennedy Supreme Court, 70 Hastings L.J. 1273, 1280 (2019).
  18.  Peter Moore, First Amendment Is the Most Important, and Well Known, Amendment, YouGov (Apr. 12, 2016, 3:15 PM), https://today.yougov.com/topics/politics/articles-reports/‌2016/04/12/bill-rights [https://perma.cc/Q73Y-5FDM].
  19.  See generally Jacob D. Charles, The Dead Hand of a Silent Past: Bruen, Gun Rights, and the Shackles of History, 73 Duke L.J. 67 (2023) (outlining the unique development of, and some challenges within, Second Amendment jurisprudence).
  20.  See Joel S. Johnson, Supreme Court Cases of Interest, Crim. Just., Fall 2023, at 44, 44–45 (noting that “[t]he Court has not granted certiorari on a Fourth Amendment issue since 2020”).
  21.  See Jodi Kantor & Jo Becker, Former Anti-Abortion Leader Alleges Another Supreme Court Breach, N.Y. Times (Nov. 19, 2022), https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/19/us/supreme‌-court-leak-abortion-roe-wade.html [https://perma.cc/6VD6-GJF9] (“A majority of Americans are losing confidence in the institution, polls show, and its approval ratings are at a historic low. Critics charge that the court has become increasingly politicized, especially as a new conservative supermajority holds sway.”).
  22.  Positive Views of Supreme Court Decline Sharply Following Abortion Ruling, Pew Rsch. Ctr. (Sept. 1, 2022), https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2022/09/01/positive-views-of-sup‌reme-court-decline-sharply-following-abortion-ruling/ [https://perma.cc/MXM3-8TP7].
  23.  Id.
  24.  Daryl J. Levinson, Rights Essentialism and Remedial Equilibration, 99 Colum. L. Rev. 857, 861 (1999).

Parties or Not?: The Status of Absent Class Members in Rule 23 Class Actions

When should absent class members—individuals who are bound by and share in a class recovery but who are not active participants in the litigation—be treated as “parties” in Rule 23 class actions? This simple question has confused courts and litigants almost since the initial conception of the class action device. In 1983, then-Professor Diane Wood introduced the joinder and representational models to classify approaches to this question in her now-seminal article. The joinder model treats absent class members as parties to the litigation at all times, while the representational model presumes only the named plaintiffs are parties to the case itself. At various moments, the Supreme Court has expressed exclusive support for the representational approach, exclusive support for the joinder approach, and a preference for a balanced approach which treats absent class members as parties for some procedural issues if not for others. Through the lens of the joinder and representational models, this Note clarifies the decisions courts are making when assessing the procedural rights of absent class members, and ultimately suggests that the status of absent class members should depend on the procedural right being asserted.

Introduction

When a lawsuit proceeds as a class action, how should we think about the “absent” members of the class—people who might share in the relief that the court awards, and who are also at risk of being bound by an adverse judgment, but who are not named and are not actively participating in the suit? In a classic 1983 article, then-Professor (now Judge) Diane Wood argued that courts had unknowingly been using two different approaches, which she called the “joinder” model and the “representational” model.1.Diane Wood Hutchinson, Class Actions: Joinder or Representational Device?, 1983 Sup. Ct. Rev. 459, 459. Judge Wood now serves as a senior judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit.Show More Broadly, the joinder model treats all members of the class as full parties to the litigation, whether or not they are named and actively participating.2.Id.Show More On that view, the court would need to consider the absent members of the class when answering threshold questions about jurisdiction or venue, and the absent members of the class would also have all the rights and obligations of parties as the case proceeds.3.Id.Show More By contrast, the representational model treats only the named members of the class as parties to the litigation for procedural purposes; the named members are considered to be representing absent class members throughout the litigation, but the absent class members whom they represent are not actually parties to the case.4.Id.at 460.Show More

For a simplified example of the distinction, imagine a plaintiff class action in which the named plaintiffs are all citizens of State A, but some of the absent class members are citizens of State B. If the defendant is a citizen of State B, then whether the suit qualifies for diversity jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § 1332(a) depends on whether the absent class members are regarded as additional plaintiffs. The joinder model would deny diversity jurisdiction in this case because some of the plaintiffs are citizens of the same state as the defendant, while the representational model would grant diversity jurisdiction (assuming that the amount in controversy requirement is satisfied) because the representational model is only concerned with the named parties.

The models can produce equally stark differences on questions that might arise as the suit proceeds. For example, in a major consumer protection lawsuit against the at-home exercise company Peloton, the joinder model would permit the district court to allow all forms of discovery against its, at the time, estimated 3.1 million subscribers to the platform,5.Lauren Thomas, Peloton Thinks It Can Grow to 100 Million Subscribers. Here’s How, CNBC (Sept. 15, 2020, 2:29 PM), https://www.cnbc.com/2020/09/15/peloton-thinks-it-can-grow-to-100-million-subscribers-heres-how.html [https://perma.cc/D2VF-3FZ4].Show More while the representational model would only permit interrogatories or requests for admission to be levied against the named class members.6.Cf. Fishon v. Peloton Interactive, Inc., 336 F.R.D. 67, 74 (S.D.N.Y. 2020) (permitting limited deposition of absent putative class members). Some discovery devices, such as requests for admissions and interrogatories, can only be directed at parties to the lawsuit. See, e.g., Fed. R. Civ. P. 33 (interrogatories); Fed. R. Civ. P. 36 (requests for admissions). Parties can aim other discovery mechanisms, such as depositions or subpoenas at parties and non-parties alike. See, e.g., Fed. R. Civ. P. 30 (oral depositions); Fed. R. Civ. P. 45 (subpoenas).Show More Or, the joinder model would require all absent class members to consent to adjudication by a magistrate rather than a district court judge, while the representational model would only require the named plaintiffs to consent.7.See, e.g., Dewey v. Volkswagen Aktiengesellschaft, 681 F.3d 170, 180–81 (3d Cir. 2012) (holding that unnamed class members are not parties for purposes of consenting to adjudication by a magistrate judge).Show More These different treatments for absent class members can have major practical impacts on class action litigation in whether suits can be brought in federal court and, when they are, what absent class members are required to do.

Judge Wood herself advocated for using the representational model. In her view, applying that model across the board would best promote two goals of class actions: to provide efficiency for litigants and to act as a “private attorney-general” enforcement mechanism.8.Wood Hutchinson, supranote 1, at 480.Show More Since the publication of her article, however, the Supreme Court has struck different notes.9.Even before Judge Wood’s article, Justice Stevens’s concurring opinion in Deposit Guaranty National Bank v. Roper noted that “[t]he status of unnamed members of an uncertified class has always been difficult to define accurately.” 445 U.S. 326, 343 n.3 (1980) (Stevens, J., concurring). In Roper, Justice Stevens suggested that absent parties be conceived of as parties for some procedural purposes even if they are not for others. Id. Justice Powell’s dissent strongly disagreed with this statement, arguing that Justice Stevens cited no authority to support his position and provided no explanation “as to how a court is to determine when these unidentified ‘parties’ are present.” Id.at 358 n.21 (Powell, J., dissenting). This Note attempts to propose a solution to Justice Powell’s concern.Show More For example, in Martin v. Wilks, the Supreme Court presumed the representational model applied, labeling the class action as a “certain limited circumstance[]” where “a person, although not a party, has his interests adequately represented by someone with the same interests who is a party.”10 10.490 U.S. 755, 762 n.2 (1989); see also Taylor v. Sturgell, 553 U.S. 880, 894 (2008) (agreeing with this characterization of class actions).Show More By contrast, Justice Scalia’s plurality opinion in Shady Grove Orthopedic Associates, P.A. v. Allstate Insurance Co. described the class action as a straightforward “joinder” device that “merely enables a federal court to adjudicate claims of multiple parties at once, instead of in separate suits.”11 11.559 U.S. 393, 408 (2010) (plurality opinion).Show More And, in 2002, Justice O’Connor’s majority opinion in Devlin v. Scardelletti asserted that “[n]onnamed class members . . . may be parties for some purposes and not for others.”12 12.536 U.S. 1, 9–10 (2002). One might find it curious that Justice Scalia wrote the dissent in Devlin arguing for a representational approach as he would later write the majority opinion in Shady Grove, which called a class action a species of “traditional joinder.” Shady Grove, 559 U.S. at 408. In dissent, he wrote that the majority’s decision to permit both the joinder and the representational model “abandons the bright-line rule that only those persons named as such are parties to a judgment, in favor of a vague inquiry ‘based on context.’” Devlin, 536 U.S. at 20 (Scalia, J., dissenting).Show More

How courts should characterize absent class members bears on many continuing controversies. For example, after the Court’s decision in Bristol-Myers Squibb Co. v. Superior Court of California,13 13.137 S. Ct. 1773 (2017).Show More most lower courts have followed Devlin’s approach to confirm that, even if absent class members are parties for some purposes, they are not parties necessary to determine whether the court has personal jurisdiction over the defendant.14 14.See, e.g., Mussat v. IQVIA, Inc., 953 F.3d 441, 447–48 (7th Cir. 2020); Al Haj v. Pfizer Inc., 338 F. Supp. 3d 815, 820 (N.D. Ill. 2018). Not all courts have interpreted Bristol-Myers Squibb in this way. For more, see infra Subsection II.A.2.Show More As recently as June 2021, however, the Court seemed to follow Justice Scalia’s characterization of the class as a “joinder” device when it concluded that all absent class members need to demonstrate standing in order to recover damages.15 15.TransUnion LLC v. Ramirez, 141 S. Ct. 2190, 2207–08 (2021). Notably, the Court reserved judgment on “whether every class member must demonstrate standing before a court certifies a class.” Id. at 2208 n.4. For further discussion on this question, and whether this actually implicates the representational model, see infraSubsection II.A.3.Show More It follows that under what circumstances absent class members should be considered parties remains a live issue almost forty years after Judge Wood’s initial article. The Court itself has not offered consistent guidance on the status of absent class members, and its recent decisions on personal jurisdiction and standing have acutely raised these questions for lower courts.16 16.SeeinfraSubsection II.A.2 (personal jurisdiction); infra Subsection II.A.3 (standing).Show More The time is right to both clarify the choice lower courts will be making in these determinations and to suggest a new path forward considering the changes from the past forty years.

This Note identifies the contours of the question for various procedural doctrines, and, ultimately, suggests that Devlin’s approach of considering absent class members as parties for some purposes but not for others is preferable to a strict joinder or representational approach. Judge Wood’s article, which advocated for a more rule-like approach to the representational model, focused primarily on the jurisdiction and justiciability doctrines that govern absent class members’ access to federal courts.17 17.See Wood Hutchinson, supra note 1, at 478 (“The characteristics that would lead a court to treat a class action as a glorified joinder device or as a true representational action are different. Those characteristics are ‘procedural’ in this sense: They establish one’s right to sue in a federal court on the substantive claim, rather than in a state court.”).Show More When broadening the scope of procedural doctrines that affect absent class members during litigation, such as discovery or counterclaims, this Note contends that a more balanced approach would better vindicate the efficiency and private attorney general functions of the class action device. Writing now with the benefit of Devlin’s statement that absent class members may be treated differently for different purposes, a less rule-like approach is not only preferable but possible.

Part I of this Note explains in detail the differences between the representational and joinder models and Judge Wood’s reasons for expressing a preference for the representational model. Part II surveys post-1983 doctrine in certain procedural issues implicating the joinder and representational models in class actions. While, for the most part, courts have continued to use the representational model to conceive of absent class members, there are some areas in which Congress and the courts have shifted towards a more joinder-based approach. Part III evaluates why Devlin’s approach of treating absent class members differently based on context is preferable to following the representational model in all areas. Ultimately, it suggests that the joinder model is valuable for some litigation conduct but that the representational model continues to be a valuable way to conceive of access to federal courts for class action procedures.

  1.  Diane Wood Hutchinson, Class Actions: Joinder or Representational Device?, 1983
    S

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    459, 459. Judge Wood now serves as a senior judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit.

  2.  Id.
  3.  Id.
  4.  Id. at 460.
  5.  Lauren Thomas, Peloton Thinks It Can Grow to 100 Million Subscribers. Here’s How, CNBC (Sept. 15, 2020, 2:29 PM), https://www.cnbc.com/2020/09/15/peloton-thinks-it-can-grow-to-100-million-subscribers-heres-how.html [https://perma.cc/D2VF-3FZ4].
  6.  Cf. Fishon v. Peloton Interactive, Inc., 336 F.R.D. 67, 74 (S.D.N.Y. 2020) (permitting limited deposition of absent putative class members). Some discovery devices, such as requests for admissions and interrogatories, can only be directed at parties to the lawsuit. See, e.g.,
    F

    ed

    . R. C

    iv

    . P.

    33 (interrogatories);

    F

    ed

    . R. C

    iv

    . P.

    36 (requests for admissions). Parties can aim other discovery mechanisms, such as depositions or subpoenas at parties and non-parties alike. See, e.g.,

    F

    ed

    . R. C

    iv

    . P.

    30 (oral depositions);

    F

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    iv

    . P.

    45 (subpoenas).

  7.  See, e.g., Dewey v. Volkswagen Aktiengesellschaft, 681 F.3d 170, 180–81 (3d Cir. 2012) (holding that unnamed class members are not parties for purposes of consenting to adjudication by a magistrate judge).
  8.  Wood Hutchinson, supra note 1, at 480.
  9.  Even before Judge Wood’s article, Justice Stevens’s concurring opinion in Deposit Guaranty National Bank v. Roper noted that “[t]he status of unnamed members of an uncertified class has always been difficult to define accurately.” 445 U.S. 326, 343 n.3 (1980) (Stevens, J., concurring). In Roper, Justice Stevens suggested that absent parties be conceived of as parties for some procedural purposes even if they are not for others. Id. Justice Powell’s dissent strongly disagreed with this statement, arguing that Justice Stevens cited no authority to support his position and provided no explanation “as to how a court is to determine when these unidentified ‘parties’ are present.” Id. at 358 n.21 (Powell, J., dissenting). This Note attempts to propose a solution to Justice Powell’s concern.
  10.  490 U.S. 755, 762 n.2 (1989); see also Taylor v. Sturgell, 553 U.S. 880, 894 (2008) (agreeing with this characterization of class actions).
  11.  559 U.S. 393, 408 (2010) (plurality opinion).
  12.  536 U.S. 1, 9–10 (2002). One might find it curious that Justice Scalia wrote the dissent in Devlin arguing for a representational approach as he would later write the majority opinion in Shady Grove, which called a class action a species of “traditional joinder.” Shady Grove, 559 U.S. at 408. In dissent, he wrote that the majority’s decision to permit both the joinder and the representational model “abandons the bright-line rule that only those persons named as such are parties to a judgment, in favor of a vague inquiry ‘based on context.’” Devlin, 536 U.S. at 20 (Scalia, J., dissenting).
  13.  137 S. Ct. 1773 (2017).
  14.  See, e.g., Mussat v. IQVIA, Inc., 953 F.3d 441, 447–48 (7th Cir. 2020); Al Haj v. Pfizer Inc., 338 F. Supp. 3d 815, 820 (N.D. Ill. 2018). Not all courts have interpreted Bristol-Myers Squibb in this way. For more, see infra Subsection II.A.2.
  15.  TransUnion LLC v. Ramirez, 141 S. Ct. 2190, 2207–08 (2021). Notably, the Court reserved judgment on “whether every class member must demonstrate standing before a court certifies a class.” Id. at 2208 n.4. For further discussion on this question, and whether this actually implicates the representational model, see infra Subsection II.A.3.
  16.  See infra Subsection II.A.2 (personal jurisdiction); infra Subsection II.A.3 (standing).
  17.  See Wood Hutchinson, supra note 1, at 478 (“The characteristics that would lead a court to treat a class action as a glorified joinder device or as a true representational action are different. Those characteristics are ‘procedural’ in this sense: They establish one’s right to sue in a federal court on the substantive claim, rather than in a state court.”).

How Clear is “Clear”?

This Article proposes a new framework for evaluating doctrines that assign legal significance to whether a statutory text is “clear.” Previous scholarship has failed to recognize that such doctrines come in two distinct types. The first, which this Article calls evidence rules, instructs a court to “start with the text,” and to proceed to other sources of statutory meaning only if absolutely necessary. Because they structure a court’s search for what a statute means, the question with each of these evidence rules is whether adhering to it aids or impairs that search—the character of the evaluation is, in other words, mostly epistemic. The second type, which this Article calls decision rules, instead tells a court to decide a statutory case on some ground other than statutory meaning if, after considering all the available sources, what the statute means remains opaque. The idea underlying these decision rules is that if statutory meaning is uncertain, erring in some direction constitutes “playing it safe.” With each such doctrine, the question is thus whether erring in the identified direction really is “safer” than the alternative(s)—put differently, evaluation of these doctrines is fundamentally practical.

With the new framework in place, this Article then goes on to address the increasingly popular categorical objection to “clear” text doctrines. As this Article explains, the objection that nobody knows how clear a text has to be to count as “clear” rests partly on a misunderstanding of how “clarity” determinations work—such determinations are sensitive to context, including legal context, in ways critics of these doctrines fail to account for. In addition, the objection that “clear” text doctrines are vulnerable to willfulness or motivated reasoning is fair but, as this Article shows, applies with equal force to any plausible alternative.

Introduction

Everyone agrees that courts must adhere to “clear” or “plain” text.1.As a matter of positive law, that is. E.g., Universal Health Servs., Inc. v. United States, 579 U.S. 176, 192 (2016) (“[P]olicy arguments cannot supersede the clear statutory text.”); Hughes Aircraft Co. v. Jacobson, 525 U.S. 432, 438 (1999) (“As in any case of statutory construction, our analysis begins with ‘the language of the statute.’ And where the statutory language provides a clear answer, it ends there as well.” (quoting Estate of Cowart v. Nicklos Drilling Co., 505 U.S. 469, 475 (1992))); United States v. Wiltberger, 18 U.S. (5 Wheat.) 76, 95–96 (1820) (“The intention of the legislature is to be collected from the words they employ. Where there is no ambiguity in the words, there is no room for construction.”).Show More But what to do when a statute is “ambiguous” or its meaning is otherwise uncertain?2.Ralf Poscher, Ambiguity and Vagueness in Legal Interpretation, in The Oxford Handbook of Language and Law 128, 128 (Peter M. Tiersma & Lawrence M. Solan eds., 2012) (observing that “[i]n a colloquial sense, both vagueness and ambiguity are employed generically to indicate indeterminacy,” but that “[i]n a more technical sense . . . ambiguity and vagueness are far more specific phenomena”).Show More Numerous legal doctrines condition the permissibility of some judicial action in a statutory case upon the statute at issue being less than “clear” or “plain.” Courts may, for example, defer to an administering agency (Chevron deference),3.Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837, 842–43 (1984).Show More avoid answering a constitutional question (constitutional avoidance),4.Crowell v. Benson, 285 U.S. 22, 62 (1932) (“When the validity of an act of the Congress is drawn in question, and even if a serious doubt of constitutionality is raised, it is a cardinal principle that this Court will first ascertain whether a construction of the statute is fairly possible by which the question may be avoided.”).Show More or consider legislative history if a statutory text has more than one plausible meaning, but not otherwise.5.NLRB v. SW Gen., Inc., 137 S. Ct. 929, 941–42 (2017); Ratzlaf v. United States, 510 U.S. 135, 147–48 (1994) (“[W]e do not resort to legislative history to cloud a statutory text that is clear.”).Show More Taken together, these various doctrines make textual “clarity” (or, alternatively, “plainness”) the central organizing principle for much of our law of statutory interpretation.6.See William Baude & Stephen E. Sachs, The Law of Interpretation, 130 Harv. L. Rev. 1079, 1082 (2017) (“Interpretation isn’t just a matter of language; it’s also governed by law.”).Show More And, indeed, the same has been true (albeit to varying degrees7.See, e.g., United States v. Am. Trucking Ass’ns, Inc., 310 U.S. 534, 543–44 (1940) (“When aid to construction of the meaning of words, as used in the statute, is available, there certainly can be no ‘rule of law’ which forbids its use, however clear the words may appear on ‘superficial [inspection].’” (first quoting Bos. Sand & Gravel Co. v. United States, 278 U.S. 41, 48 (1928); and then quoting Helvering v. N.Y. Tr. Co., 292 U.S. 455, 465 (1934))).Show More) going back to Chief Justice Marshall, who remarked that where “words in the body of the statute” are “plain,” there is “nothing . . . left to construction,” but that where ambiguity remains, “the mind . . . seizes every thing from which aid can be derived.”8.United States v. Fisher, 6 U.S. (2 Cranch) 358, 385–86 (1805).Show More

Because it is a doctrinal “linchpin,”9.Ward Farnsworth, Dustin F. Guzior & Anup Malani, Ambiguity About Ambiguity: An Empirical Inquiry into Legal Interpretation, 2 J. Legal Analysis 257, 257 (2010) (“Determinations of ambiguity are the linchpin of statutory interpretation.”).Show More a great deal often turns on whether a statutory text is “clear” (or “plain”) or not.10 10.Lawrence M. Solan, Pernicious Ambiguity in Contracts and Statutes, 79 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 859, 861 (2004) (“Part of the problem is that the law has only two ways to characterize the clarity of a legal text: It is either plain or it is ambiguous. The determination is important.”).Show More Perhaps for that reason, however, scholars and jurists have started to question whether it makes sense, either in principle or as a matter of practice, to assign so much importance to clarity determinations. There are those who have asked why courts should “seize” that “from which aid can be derived” only if the text is “ambiguous.”11 11.See William Baude & Ryan D. Doerfler, The (Not So) Plain Meaning Rule, 84 U. Chi. L. Rev. 539, 547 (2017); Adam M. Samaha, If the Text Is Clear—Lexical Ordering in Statutory Interpretation, 94 Notre Dame L. Rev. 155, 177 (2018).Show More Or, as Justice Stevens put it, “[W]hy . . . confine ourselves to . . . the statutory text if other tools of statutory construction provide better evidence”?12 12.Zuni Pub. Sch. Dist. No. 89 v. Dep’t of Educ., 550 U.S. 81, 106 (2007) (Stevens, J., concurring).Show More Others, like Justice Kavanaugh, are even more skeptical and query whether we even know what it means to say that a statutory text is “clear.”13 13.See Brett M. Kavanaugh, Fixing Statutory Interpretation, 129 Harv. L. Rev. 2118, 2118 (2016) (reviewing Robert A. Katzmann, Judging Statutes (2014)).Show More Going further still, Judge Easterbrook asserts with characteristic bluntness: “There is no metric for clarity.”14 14.Frank H. Easterbrook, The Role of Original Intent in Statutory Construction, 11 Harv. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 59, 62 (1988) (emphasis added).Show More

This Article attempts to clarify15 15.(Ha ha.)Show More the increasingly dogmatic discussion surrounding the range of “clear” text doctrines.16 16.This Article addresses doctrines that assign significance to the “clarity” of statutory text, as opposed to clarity of the law more generally. See Richard M. Re, Clarity Doctrines, 86 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1497, 1505–07 (2019) (addressing the latter). On the relevance of that distinction, see infra notes 162–67 and accompanying text.Show More As it explains, in working through the question of “how clear is clear enough?” we need to ascertain first what type of clarity we are talking about. As such, it is important to note that clarity doctrines can actually be sorted into two distinct types, with largely distinct concerns associated with each. The first type, which operates as evidence rules, raises largely epistemological concerns to the extent that they structure a court’s inquiry into what a statute means.17 17.See infra Section I.A.Show More Because they organize a court’s search for statutory meaning, the concerns associated with this type of doctrine are largely epistemological—they function, in other words, to help judges form true beliefs about what statutes mean. More specifically, these doctrines tell courts to “start with the text,”18 18.Adam M. Samaha, Starting with the Text—On Sequencing Effects in Statutory Interpretation and Beyond, 8 J. Legal Analysis 439, 440 (2016).Show More and to consider additional sources of statutory meaning only if absolutely necessary.19 19.Here and throughout, this Article uses the phrase “statutory meaning” to refer to the communicative content expressed by statutory text as used—roughly, Congress’s apparent communicative intention (or, alternatively, the conventional meaning of the language as used in the relevant context). See Mitchell N. Berman, The Tragedy of Justice Scalia, 115 Mich. L. Rev. 783, 796–99 (2017) (reviewing Antonin Scalia, A Matter of Interpretation: Federal Courts and the Law (Amy Gutmann ed., 1997)) (distinguishing communicative intention from other forms of intention); see also Richard H. Fallon Jr., The Meaning of Legal “Meaning” and Its Implications for Theories of Legal Interpretation, 82 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1235, 1246–48 (2015) (calling this a statute’s “contextual” meaning). This Article takes no position on how best to conceive of Congress’s communicative intention (e.g., actual or “objectified”) or how best to identify it (e.g., whether to consider legislative history).Show More For reasons this Article explains, this sort of lexical ordering of evidence hinders an investigation except in unusual circumstances,20 20.See infra notes 43, 51 and accompanying text.Show More which is why evidence rules need to be carefully contained to such circumstances.

The second type of “clear” text doctrines operates, by contrast, as decision rules, instructing a court how to decide a statutory case when, despite its best efforts, it is not sure what the statute at issue means.21 21.See infra Section I.B.Show More In other words, the function of the second type of doctrine is not to help determine the meaning of a statute, but rather to provide guidance for how to decide a statutory case once it becomes apparent that the meaning of the statute at issue is not clear. The basic premise underlying decision rules is that, under conditions of uncertainty, sometimes erring in a particular direction constitutes “playing it safe.”22 22.Here and throughout, this Article uses the term “uncertainty” in a colloquial sense, encompassing both “risk” and “uncertainty” in the technical, decision-theoretic senses of those terms. See Daniel M. Hausman & Michael S. McPherson, Economic Analysis and Moral Philosophy 30–31 (1996) (contrasting situations of “risk,” in which the probabilities of the various possible outcomes are known, and situations of “uncertainty,” in which those probabilities are unknown).Show More The concerns associated with these doctrines are, in light of that premise, mostly practical. In each instance, the question is whether a court’s erring in the identified direction is actually “safer” than acting on its “best guess” or, alternatively, erring in some other direction. Is it, for example, safer to err in the direction of letting elected officials, via administrative agencies, decide how to resolve a case, or would this be a costly mistake, leading us down the road to administrative “tyranny”?23 23.Cf. City of Arlington v. FCC, 569 U.S. 290, 314–15 (2013) (Roberts, C.J., dissenting) (acknowledging that while it may be hyperbolic to describe Chevron deference as “the very definition of tyranny,” too much deference to administrative agencies may pose serious risks).Show More

Using the basic distinction between evidence rules and decision rules, this Article develops a framework for assessing individual “clear” text doctrines that is both completely new and also easy to administer. Within that framework, one asks first whether a given doctrine manages evidence in a determination of the meaning of a statute or, instead, manages uncertainty about how to proceed once the quest for meaning has come up short. If the doctrine manages evidence, one then goes on to determine whether the type of evidence it manages has some or all of the special characteristics that make lexical ordering of evidence epistemically sensible. If, alternatively, the doctrine manages uncertainty, one instead evaluates the risk analysis that underlies it: Is one type of mistake really costlier than the other, as the doctrine presupposes, and, if so, to what degree?

In addition, the distinction between evidence rules and decision rules provides a principled basis for answering long-standing questions concerning the relationship between different “clear” text doctrines—in particular, the order in which such doctrines should be applied.24 24.See Abbe R. Gluck, Justice Scalia’s Unfinished Business in Statutory Interpretation: Where Textualism’s Formalism Gave Up, 92 Notre Dame L. Rev. 2053, 2063 (2017) (“It remains unanswered whether a policy canon is still relevant if legislative history alone would clarify statutory language.”); James J. Brudney, Canon Shortfalls and the Virtues of Political Branch Interpretive Assets, 98 Calif. L. Rev. 1199, 1202 (2010) (worrying that the “lack of an intelligible framework for ordering the canons renders them distinctly more susceptible to judicial manipulation than other interpretive resources”).Show More As this Article explains, because decision rules help manage uncertainty that remains after the search for statutory meaning, it will almost always make sense for courts to apply any relevant evidence rule (e.g., the conditional admissibility of legislative history or Skidmore) before determining whether a statute is or is not “clear” for purposes of some decision rule (e.g., the rule of lenity or Chevron).25 25.See infra Sections III.C–D (discussing interactions between the rules articulated in Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837 (1984), and Skidmore v. Swift & Co., 323 U.S. 134 (1944)).Show More So understood, perhaps the most important implication for administrative law of drawing the distinction between evidence rules and decision rules is that doing so necessitates a rethinking of the relationship between the Skidmore and Chevron doctrines as complements rather than alternatives. In other words, Skidmore cannot coherently be thought of as a fallback option should Chevron cease to be treated as law, as is widely assumed.26 26.See, e.g., Buffington v. McDonough, 143 S. Ct. 14, 22 (2022) (Gorsuch, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari) (arguing that “the aggressive reading of Chevron has more or less fallen into desuetude” and “the whole project deserves a tombstone no one can miss”); James Romoser, In an Opinion that Shuns Chevron, The Court Rejects a Medicare Cut for Hospital Drugs, SCOTUSblog (Jun. 15, 2022, 2:24 PM), https://www.scotusblog.com/2022/06/in-an-opinion-that-shuns-chevron-the-court-rejects-a-medicare-cut-for-hospital-drugs/ [https://per‌ma.cc/XLW3-JYHR] (observing that “there might not be five votes to scrap Chevron officially, but the court could tacitly stop deploying it”). But see Nathan Richardson, Deference is Dead (Long Live Chevron), 73 Rutgers U. L. Rev. 441, 516–23 (2021) (arguing that Chevron is unlikely to be formally overturned).Show More

By itself, attending to the distinction between evidence rules and decision rules does not resolve the question of how clear a text has to be for purposes of various doctrines, or, as Justice Gorsuch put it, “How much ambiguity is enough?”27 27.Transcript of Oral Argument at 71–72, Am. Hosp. Ass’n v. Becerra, 142 S. Ct. 1896 (2022) (No. 20-1114).Show More Implicit in Justice Gorsuch’s question is an increasingly pervasive objection that all “clear” text doctrines are troubling insofar as there is no consensus among judges as to how clear a statutory text has to be to count as “clear.”28 28.See Meredith A. Holland, Note, The Ambiguous Ambiguity Inquiry: Seeking to Clarify Judicial Determinations of Clarity Versus Ambiguity in Statutory Interpretation, 93 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1371, 1372 (2018) (“[T]here is no established method governing the judge’s threshold determination of ambiguity versus clarity. In fact, there is no consistent definition of ambiguity.”); Frank H. Easterbrook, The Absence of Method in Statutory Interpretation, 84 U. Chi. L. Rev. 81, 90 (2017) (“[T]he Justices do not agree on what ‘ambiguity’ means for purposes of the rule [of lenity].”); Jeffrey A. Pojanowski, Without Deference, 81 Mo. L. Rev. 1075, 1082 (2016) (noting “lurking questions about how hard courts ought to work before deciding whether a statute is clear”); Kavanaugh, supra note 13, at 2138 (“The simple and troubling truth is that no definitive guide exists for determining whether statutory language is clear or ambiguous.”); Antonin Scalia, Judicial Deference to Administrative Interpretations of Law, 1989 Duke L.J. 511, 520 (“Here, of course, is the chink in Chevron’s armor—the ambiguity that prevents it from being an absolutely clear guide to future judicial decisions (though still a better one than what it supplanted). How clear is clear?”).Show More Beyond that, many fear that because it is easy for judges to exaggerate or understate—whether consciously or unconsciously—how clear a text is, such doctrines facilitate results-oriented decision-making and thus undermine public confidence in an impartial judiciary.29 29.See Kavanaugh, supra note 13, at 2138–39; Dan T. Coenen, The Rehnquist Court, Structural Due Process, and Semisubstantive Constitutional Review, 75 S. Cal. L. Rev. 1281, 1304 (2002) (“On other occasions, however, the Justices may reveal substantive policy preferences not in formulating rules, but in applying them.”); Easterbrook, supra note 14, at 62 (“[C]ourt[s] may choose when to declare the language of the statute ‘ambiguous.’”); see also Solan, supra note 10, at 859 (“The problem, perhaps ironically, is that the concept of ambiguity is itself perniciously ambiguous. People do not always use the term in the same way, and the differences often appear to go unnoticed.”); William N. Eskridge, Jr. & Philip P. Frickey, Quasi-Constitutional Law: Clear Statement Rules as Constitutional Lawmaking, 45 Vand. L. Rev. 593, 597–98 (1992) (suggesting that variation in the degree of clarity required reflects “the Court’s view of what is an important constitutional value,” as well as “the relative importance of different constitutional values”).Show More If “clarity” judgments are mere reflections of partisan attitudes, these critics suggest, adherence to “clear” text doctrines undermines the rule of law.

As this Article explains, the lack of a universal “clarity” standard should be both unsurprising and un-concerning.30 30.See infra Section II.A.Show More To say that a statutory text is “clear” is, in effect, to say that it is clear enough for present purposes. And since purposes vary from case to case—and, in particular, from doctrine to doctrine—so too, one should expect, does the degree of clarity required.31 31.As with “intention,” this Article takes no position on how best to conceive of or identify a legal doctrine’s underlying “purpose(s).” See, e.g., Cass R. Sunstein & Adrian Vermeule, The Morality of Administrative Law, 131 Harv. L. Rev. 1924, 1944–47 (2018) (discussing Chevron in light of administrative law’s “internal morality”).Show More Relatedly, if judges disagree about how clear a text must be in some specific case, that is, at least very often, just a legal dispute about the purposes of the applicable doctrine.

On results-oriented decision-making, this Article argues that what critics have identified is, for the most part, the familiar and entirely general worry that, in close cases, judges can mischaracterize the law without serious reputational harm.32 32.See infra Section II.B.Show More While it is true that a judge can with a straight face (and, perhaps, a clean conscience) insist that a very likely reading of a statute is “clearly” correct (or vice versa), it is equally easy for a judge to declare a reading that is somewhat unlikely to be “more likely than not.” As such, by increasing the probability threshold a reading must satisfy for a court to enforce it from the typical “more likely than not” to the more demanding “clear,” “clarity” doctrines do nothing to increase opportunity for judicial willfulness or motivated reasoning. What they do instead is merely shift the site of plausible argumentation.

This Article has three Parts. Part I distinguishes between two types of “clear” text doctrines, evidence rules and decision rules, identifying concerns specific to each. Part II considers common objections to “clear” text doctrines generally, explaining why those objections are either misguided or generic. Part III shows this Article’s proposed framework in action, assessing various familiar “clear” text doctrines, with some passing the assessment and some not.

  1.  As a matter of positive law, that is. E.g., Universal Health Servs., Inc. v. United States, 579 U.S. 176, 192 (2016) (“[P]olicy arguments cannot supersede the clear statutory text.”); Hughes Aircraft Co. v. Jacobson, 525 U.S. 432, 438 (1999) (“As in any case of statutory construction, our analysis begins with ‘the language of the statute.’ And where the statutory language provides a clear answer, it ends there as well.” (quoting Estate of Cowart v. Nicklos Drilling Co., 505 U.S. 469, 475 (1992))); United States v. Wiltberger, 18 U.S. (5 Wheat.) 76, 95–96 (1820) (“The intention of the legislature is to be collected from the words they employ. Where there is no ambiguity in the words, there is no room for construction.”).
  2.  Ralf Poscher, Ambiguity and Vagueness in Legal Interpretation, in The Oxford Handbook of Language and Law 128, 128 (Peter M. Tiersma & Lawrence M. Solan eds., 2012) (observing that “[i]n a colloquial sense, both vagueness and ambiguity are employed generically to indicate indeterminacy,” but that “[i]n a more technical sense . . . ambiguity and vagueness are far more specific phenomena”).
  3.  Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837, 842–43 (1984).
  4.  Crowell v. Benson, 285 U.S. 22, 62 (1932) (“When the validity of an act of the Congress is drawn in question, and even if a serious doubt of constitutionality is raised, it is a cardinal principle that this Court will first ascertain whether a construction of the statute is fairly possible by which the question may be avoided.”).
  5.  NLRB v. SW Gen., Inc., 137 S. Ct. 929, 941–42 (2017); Ratzlaf v. United States, 510 U.S. 135, 147–48 (1994) (“[W]e do not resort to legislative history to cloud a statutory text that is clear.”).
  6.  See William Baude & Stephen E. Sachs, The Law of Interpretation, 130 Harv. L. Rev. 1079, 1082 (2017) (“Interpretation isn’t just a matter of language; it’s also governed by law.”).
  7.  See, e.g., United States v. Am. Trucking Ass’ns, Inc., 310 U.S. 534, 543–44 (1940) (“When aid to construction of the meaning of words, as used in the statute, is available, there certainly can be no ‘rule of law’ which forbids its use, however clear the words may appear on ‘superficial [inspection].’” (first quoting Bos. Sand & Gravel Co. v. United States, 278 U.S. 41, 48 (1928); and then quoting Helvering v. N.Y. Tr. Co., 292 U.S. 455, 465 (1934))).
  8.  United States v. Fisher, 6 U.S. (2 Cranch) 358, 385–86 (1805).
  9.  Ward Farnsworth, Dustin F. Guzior & Anup Malani, Ambiguity About Ambiguity: An Empirical Inquiry into Legal Interpretation, 2 J. Legal Analysis 257, 257 (2010) (“Determinations of ambiguity are the linchpin of statutory interpretation.”).
  10.  Lawrence M. Solan, Pernicious Ambiguity in Contracts and Statutes, 79 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 859, 861 (2004) (“Part of the problem is that the law has only two ways to characterize the clarity of a legal text: It is either plain or it is ambiguous. The determination is important.”).
  11.  See William Baude & Ryan D. Doerfler, The (Not So) Plain Meaning Rule, 84 U. Chi. L. Rev. 539, 547 (2017); Adam M. Samaha, If the Text Is Clear—Lexical Ordering in Statutory Interpretation, 94 Notre Dame L. Rev. 155, 177 (2018).
  12.  Zuni Pub. Sch. Dist. No. 89 v. Dep’t of Educ., 550 U.S. 81, 106 (2007) (Stevens, J., concurring).
  13.  See Brett M. Kavanaugh, Fixing Statutory Interpretation, 129 Harv. L. Rev. 2118, 2118 (2016) (reviewing Robert A. Katzmann, Judging Statutes (2014)).
  14.  Frank H. Easterbrook, The Role of Original Intent in Statutory Construction, 11 Harv. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 59, 62 (1988) (emphasis added).
  15.  (Ha ha.)
  16.  This Article addresses doctrines that assign significance to the “clarity” of statutory text, as opposed to clarity of the law more generally. See Richard M. Re, Clarity Doctrines, 86 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1497, 1505–07 (2019) (addressing the latter). On the relevance of that distinction, see infra notes 162–67 and accompanying text.
  17.  See infra Section I.A.
  18.  Adam M. Samaha, Starting with the Text—On Sequencing Effects in Statutory Interpretation and Beyond, 8 J. Legal Analysis 439, 440 (2016).
  19.  Here and throughout, this Article uses the phrase “statutory meaning” to refer to the communicative content expressed by statutory text as used—roughly, Congress’s apparent communicative intention (or, alternatively, the conventional meaning of the language as used in the relevant context). See Mitchell N. Berman, The Tragedy of Justice Scalia, 115 Mich. L. Rev. 783, 796–99 (2017) (reviewing Antonin Scalia, A Matter of Interpretation: Federal Courts and the Law (Amy Gutmann ed., 1997)) (distinguishing communicative intention from other forms of intention); see also Richard H. Fallon Jr., The Meaning of Legal “Meaning” and Its Implications for Theories of Legal Interpretation, 82 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1235, 1246–48 (2015) (calling this a statute’s “contextual” meaning). This Article takes no position on how best to conceive of Congress’s communicative intention (e.g., actual or “objectified”) or how best to identify it (e.g., whether to consider legislative history).
  20.  See infra notes 43, 51 and accompanying text.
  21.  See infra Section I.B.
  22.  Here and throughout, this Article uses the term “uncertainty” in a colloquial sense, encompassing both “risk” and “uncertainty” in the technical, decision-theoretic senses of those terms. See Daniel M. Hausman & Michael S. McPherson, Economic Analysis and Moral Philosophy 30–31 (1996) (contrasting situations of “risk,” in which the probabilities of the various possible outcomes are known, and situations of “uncertainty,” in which those probabilities are unknown).
  23.  Cf. City of Arlington v. FCC, 569 U.S. 290, 314–15 (2013) (Roberts, C.J., dissenting) (acknowledging that while it may be hyperbolic to describe Chevron deference as “the very definition of tyranny,” too much deference to administrative agencies may pose serious risks).
  24.  See Abbe R. Gluck, Justice Scalia’s Unfinished Business in Statutory Interpretation: Where Textualism’s Formalism Gave Up, 92 Notre Dame L. Rev. 2053, 2063 (2017) (“It remains unanswered whether a policy canon is still relevant if legislative history alone would clarify statutory language.”); James J. Brudney, Canon Shortfalls and the Virtues of Political Branch Interpretive Assets, 98 Calif. L. Rev. 1199, 1202 (2010) (worrying that the “lack of an intelligible framework for ordering the canons renders them distinctly more susceptible to judicial manipulation than other interpretive resources”).
  25.  See infra Sections III.C–D (discussing interactions between the rules articulated in Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837 (1984), and Skidmore v. Swift & Co., 323 U.S. 134 (1944)).
  26.  See, e.g., Buffington v. McDonough, 143 S. Ct. 14, 22 (2022) (Gorsuch, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari) (arguing that “the aggressive reading of Chevron has more or less fallen into desuetude” and “the whole project deserves a tombstone no one can miss”); James Romoser, In an Opinion that Shuns Chevron, The Court Rejects a Medicare Cut for Hospital Drugs, SCOTUSblog (Jun. 15, 2022, 2:24 PM), https://www.scotusblog.com/2022/06/in-an-opinion-that-shuns-chevron-the-court-rejects-a-medicare-cut-for-hospital-drugs/ [https://per‌ma.cc/XLW3-JYHR] (observing that “there might not be five votes to scrap Chevron officially, but the court could tacitly stop deploying it”). But see Nathan Richardson, Deference is Dead (Long Live Chevron), 73 Rutgers U. L. Rev. 441, 516–23 (2021) (arguing that Chevron is unlikely to be formally overturned).
  27.  Transcript of Oral Argument at 71–72, Am. Hosp. Ass’n v. Becerra, 142 S. Ct. 1896 (2022) (No. 20-1114).
  28.  See Meredith A. Holland, Note, The Ambiguous Ambiguity Inquiry: Seeking to Clarify Judicial Determinations of Clarity Versus Ambiguity in Statutory Interpretation, 93 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1371, 1372 (2018) (“[T]here is no established method governing the judge’s threshold determination of ambiguity versus clarity. In fact, there is no consistent definition of ambiguity.”); Frank H. Easterbrook, The Absence of Method in Statutory Interpretation, 84 U. Chi. L. Rev. 81, 90 (2017) (“[T]he Justices do not agree on what ‘ambiguity’ means for purposes of the rule [of lenity].”); Jeffrey A. Pojanowski, Without Deference, 81 Mo. L. Rev. 1075, 1082 (2016) (noting “lurking questions about how hard courts ought to work before deciding whether a statute is clear”); Kavanaugh, supra note 13, at 2138 (“The simple and troubling truth is that no definitive guide exists for determining whether statutory language is clear or ambiguous.”); Antonin Scalia, Judicial Deference to Administrative Interpretations of Law, 1989 Duke L.J. 511, 520 (“Here, of course, is the chink in Chevron’s armor—the ambiguity that prevents it from being an absolutely clear guide to future judicial decisions (though still a better one than what it supplanted). How clear is clear?”).
  29.  See Kavanaugh, supra note 13, at 2138–39; Dan T. Coenen, The Rehnquist Court, Structural Due Process, and Semisubstantive Constitutional Review, 75 S. Cal. L. Rev. 1281, 1304 (2002) (“On other occasions, however, the Justices may reveal substantive policy preferences not in formulating rules, but in applying them.”); Easterbrook, supra note 14, at 62 (“[C]ourt[s] may choose when to declare the language of the statute ‘ambiguous.’”); see also Solan, supra note 10, at 859 (“The problem, perhaps ironically, is that the concept of ambiguity is itself perniciously ambiguous. People do not always use the term in the same way, and the differences often appear to go unnoticed.”); William N. Eskridge, Jr. & Philip P. Frickey, Quasi-Constitutional Law: Clear Statement Rules as Constitutional Lawmaking, 45 Vand. L. Rev. 593, 597–98 (1992) (suggesting that variation in the degree of clarity required reflects “the Court’s view of what is an important constitutional value,” as well as “the relative importance of different constitutional values”).
  30.  See infra Section II.A.
  31.  As with “intention,” this Article takes no position on how best to conceive of or identify a legal doctrine’s underlying “purpose(s).” See, e.g., Cass R. Sunstein & Adrian Vermeule, The Morality of Administrative Law, 131 Harv. L. Rev. 1924, 1944–47 (2018) (discussing Chevron in light of administrative law’s “internal morality”).
  32.  See infra Section II.B.