First Amendment Disequilibrium

The Supreme Court has constructed key parts of First Amendment law around two underlying assumptions. The first is that the press is a powerful actor capable of obtaining government information and checking government power. The second is that the executive branch is bound by various internal and external constraints that limit its ability to keep information secret. Judges and legislators have long assumed that these twin forces—an emboldened press and a constrained executive—maintain a rough balance between the press’s desire to uncover secrets and the executive’s desire to keep information hidden. Landmark First Amendment cases such as the Pentagon Papers decision embody this view. Professor Cass Sunstein has described these cases as establishing a “First Amendment equilibrium,” one that arises out of the structural competition between the press and the executive. Today, judges and legislators continue to treat the press and the government as equal combatants in these disputes.

Yet whatever equilibrium might once have existed between the press and executive branch has been destabilized. The institutional press has been eviscerated in recent years—hemorrhaging talent, expertise, resources, and legitimacy. Wide swaths of the country now qualify as “news deserts,” lacking any local press presence at all. Public trust in the mainstream media has also plummeted. At the same time, many internal checks no longer constrain the ability of the executive branch to guard its secrets. This combination of a hollowed-out press and an insufficiently checked executive has given rise to a First Amendment disequilibrium, unsettling the foundations of this critical segment of constitutional law. This Article describes the causes and consequences of this disequilibrium and argues that recalibration is essential to fostering effective democratic self-governance.

Introduction

In the fall of 1968, a pair of FBI agents visited New York Times reporter Earl Caldwell.1.Josiah Bates, How a Journalist’s Refusal to Testify Against the Black Panthers Changed First Amendment Rights, Time (Feb. 28, 2022, 2:41 PM), https://time.com/6149443/earl-cald‌well-black-panthers-fbi/ [https://perma.cc/KP5X-L97H].Show More At the time, Caldwell was among the most prominent journalists in the country. He was the first Black reporter the Times assigned to cover Martin Luther King, Jr., and the only journalist on the scene when the civil rights leader was shot.2.Id.Show More The newspaper had recently assigned him to cover the Black Panther movement, and the FBI agents wanted to know if Caldwell would pass along information about the group. He refused.3.Id.Show More A year and a half later, a federal prosecutor subpoenaed him to testify before a grand jury about the movement. Again, he refused, arguing that the First Amendment protected the identity of his confidential sources and his eyewitness observations of the group’s activities.4.Branzburg v. Hayes, 408 U.S. 665, 675–77 (1972).Show More

The ensuing legal dispute reached the Supreme Court in 1972.5.Id. at 665.Branzburg was a consolidation of four separate cases. In addition to the case involving Caldwell, see id. at 675, there were two cases involving a Kentucky newspaper reporter who reported on individuals making hashish and using illegal drugs. Id. at 667–69. A third involved a television reporter in Massachusetts who obtained information while inside the headquarters of the Black Panthers. Id. at 672–73. The reason the reporters advanced this constitutional claim was that there were no federal or state shield laws available to offer protection. One of the consolidated cases involved a federal grand jury, and there was (and is) no federal shield statute. Id. at 689. One involved a state grand jury in Massachusetts, which had no shield statute at the time. Id. The other two involved a grand jury in Kentucky, whose shield statute was held to be inapplicable. Id. at 668–70.Show More In a set of four consolidated cases, Caldwell and two other reporters argued that a qualified constitutional privilege protected them from being compelled to divulge confidential information.6.Id. at 681 (“The heart of the claim is that the burden on news gathering resulting from compelling reporters to disclose confidential information outweighs any public interest in obtaining the information.”).Show More Without such protection, the reporters argued, their informational sources would dry up, impairing their ability to keep the electorate informed. The journalists argued that implicit in the constitutional rights of speech and press is a right to gather news and information.7.Id. at 680–81, 691–92.Show More

The Supreme Court rejected their privilege claims.8.Id. The holding in this case is debated. Much of the confusion stems from a concurrence written by Justice Powell—who served as the majority’s fifth vote—which seemed to advocate for a First Amendment balancing test that the majority had expressly rejected. Id. at 709–10 (Powell, J., concurring); see Michele Bush Kimball, The Intent Behind the Cryptic Concurrence That Provided a Reporter’s Privilege, 13 Commc’n L. & Pol’y 379, 381–82 (2008) (contending, based on historical research, that Justice Powell intended to support recognition of a qualified reporter’s privilege). For years, the lower courts have puzzled over how to interpret the case. See Christina Koningisor, The De Facto Reporter’s Privilege, 127 Yale L.J. 1176, 1196–98 (2018) (describing the split among the circuits). More recently, however, the trend among lower courts has been to read the case more narrowly. See, e.g., McKevitt v. Pallasch, 339 F.3d 530, 532 (7th Cir. 2003) (Posner, J.) (“A large number of cases conclude, rather surprisingly in light of Branzburg, that there is a reporter’s privilege . . . .”); see also RonNell Andersen Jones, Media Subpoenas: Impact, Perception, and Legal Protection in the Changing World of American Journalism, 84 Wash. L. Rev. 317, 346 & n.111 (2009) (suggesting that “media-generous reading[s] [of] Branzburg” were in decline).Show More In a 5-4 decision, the Court held there is no First Amendment privilege allowing reporters to shield confidential sources in response to a grand jury subpoena.9.Branzburg, 408 U.S. at 667–68.Show More A central assertion the Court made to justify this conclusion was that such a privilege was unnecessary. Justice Bryon White, writing for the majority, noted that the press had flourished for 200 years without a privilege and had proven capable of engaging in its own self-defense. “[T]he press has at its disposal powerful mechanisms of communication and is far from helpless to protect itself from harassment or substantial harm,” he wrote.10 10.Id. at 706.Show More The Court assumed that the press possessed the economic, political, cultural, and social clout needed to protect itself and penetrate government secrecy without judicial assistance.

This is no longer true today. The institutional press has been in free fall for more than two decades.11 11.See infra Section II.A.Show More Cycles of layoffs have stripped talent and expertise from newsrooms, and wide swaths of the country now qualify as “news deserts,” without any local newspapers and often no local press presence at all to keep communities informed and hold government actors accountable.12 12.Penelope Muse Abernathy, Ctr. for Innovation & Sustainability in Loc. Media, News Deserts and Ghost Newspapers: Will Local News Survive? 8 (June 24, 2020), https://www.usnewsdeserts.com/wp-content/uploads/‌2020/‌06/2020_News_‌Deserts_‌and‌_‌Gh‌ost_Newspapers.pdf [https://perma.cc/87KA-BHCP]; see also Steven Waldman, The Local-News Crisis Is Weirdly Easy to Solve, Atlantic (Aug. 8, 2023), https://www.theatlantic.com/‌ideas/archive/2023/08/local-news-investment-economic-value/674942/ [https://perma.cc/‌K3‌3J-RNFA] (“On average, two newspapers close each week. Some 1,800 communities that used to have local news now don’t.”).Show More Meanwhile, public trust in the media has declined dramatically.13 13.Megan Brenan, Americans’ Trust in Media Dips to Second Lowest on Record, Gallup (Oct. 7, 2021), https://news.gallup.com/poll/355526/americans-trust-media-dips-second-low‌est-record.aspx [https://perma.cc/R7B8-R9B4].Show More Even so, Branzburg v. Hayes’s assumptions about press power remain part of the foundational legal backdrop framing the relationship between the executive branch and the press—and, by extension, the public.

This Article reexamines the premises of Branzburg, along with those of other landmark cases and critical legislation addressing government control of information. This body of law includes foundational Supreme Court decisions defining the press’s right to gather news and access government information. It also includes landmark government transparency and accountability legislation, such as federal and state freedom of information laws.14 14.See infra Section I.B.Show More

Revisiting these sources uncovers two key assumptions upon which the government-press legal regime has been built. The first is that the institutional press is a powerful actor capable of asserting its professional interests and checking executive branch overreach at all levels of government—through the courts, via legislation, and by appealing directly to the public in the pages of its own publications.15 15.This Article uses the term “the executive” to refer to executive officials and agencies at federal, state, and local levels of government. This includes the president and federal agencies; state governors and state agencies; and local elected officials and local agencies, including local law enforcement agencies.Show More The second is that executive branch officials are bound by various internal and external constraints on their ability to keep information secret.

Judges and legislators have long assumed that the combination of a robust press and a constrained executive would establish a rough balance between the press’s desire to uncover secrets and the executive’s desire to keep information hidden. Key First Amendment cases from this era, including Branzburg, New York Times Co. v. United States (The Pentagon Papers Case), and Houchins v. KQED, Inc., embody this view.16 16.See infra Section I.C.Show More Alexander Bickel famously described this as the “disorderly situation.”17 17.Alexander Bickel, The Morality of Consent 80 (1975).Show More Cass Sunstein, in turn, has referred to it as an “equilibrium model of the first amendment.”18 18.Cass R. Sunstein, Government Control of Information, 74 Calif. L. Rev. 889, 890 (1986). The First Amendment equilibrium is not intended to capture all of First Amendment law. It focuses more narrowly on a subset of cases and statutes that establish the legal foundation that governs press-government relations. See id.Show More

Both pillars of this constitutional equilibrium have been destabilized in recent years. The power and influence of the institutional press, particularly at state and local levels, has dramatically declined.19 19.See Brenan, supra note 13. Of course, there are exceptions. A handful of institutional media actors and some non-institutional ones continue to uncover secrets that the executive branch would prefer to withhold at the national level. See discussion infra notes 215–21 and accompanying text; see also Azmat Khan, Hidden Pentagon Records Reveal Patterns of Failure in Deadly Airstrikes, N.Y. Times (Dec. 18, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/‌interactive/2021/12/18/us/airstrikes-pentagon-records-civilian-deaths.html [https://perma.cc/‌WZ34-VXQQ] (“Except for the rare instances of revelation and subsequent outcry, the Pentagon’s brief published reports on the minority of cases it finds credible are the only public acknowledgment of the air war’s civilian toll. The Times’s reporting in Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan points to the broader truth.”). However, some of these actors have faced serious consequences, including prosecution, for doing so. See, e.g., Press Release, U.S. Dep’t of Just., WikiLeaks Founder Julian Assange Charged in 18-Count Superseding Indictment (May 23, 2019), https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/wikileaks-founder-julian-assange-charged-18-count-superseding-indictment [https://perma.cc/S52X-5SG8]. Further, the ability of media actors to perform a watchdog role at the national level is not matched at the local level. See discussion infra Section II.A.Show More At the same time, many intra- and intergovernmental checks on the executive branch no longer operate as effective constraints against government secrecy.20 20.See infra Section II.B; see also Neal Kumar Katyal, Internal Separation of Powers: Checking Today’s Most Dangerous Branch from Within, 115 Yale L.J. 2314, 2316 (2006) (“The first-best concept of ‘legislature v. executive’ checks and balances must be updated to contemplate second-best ‘executive v. executive’ divisions.”).Show More This combination of a hollowed-out press and an unchecked executive has given rise to a First Amendment disequilibrium—a development that has been largely overlooked by the courts. The collapse of the institutional press at state and local levels and its further consolidation at the national level, together with the unleashing of many intergovernmental constraints on executive branch secrecy, has undermined a cornerstone of First Amendment law. These developments have jeopardized the press’s ability to check the executive branch and disseminate truthful information to the public.21 21.In this sense, this Article is in keeping with Tim Wu’s influential essay. See Tim Wu, Is the First Amendment Obsolete?, 117 Mich. L. Rev. 547 (2018). In that essay, Wu observes that a core set of First Amendment cases were decided at a time when there was information scarcity and government suppression of dissent was the primary threat to free speech. Id. at 548. He argues that these previous First Amendment holdings do not necessarily hold up under the conditions of the digital public sphere today, in which an abundance of cheap and easily manipulated speech threatens the nation’s information ecosystem. Id. at 548–49. This Article identifies a similar mismatch between the economic and political conditions under which the major First Amendment press cases were decided and those decided today.Show More

Existing scholarship fails to fully describe the forces destabilizing this equilibrium or the threat they pose to democratic self-governance. A prominent strand of recent First Amendment scholarship highlights how the Roberts Court’s deregulatory turn has contributed to a disordered information ecosystem.22 22.See, e.g., Richard L. Hasen, Cheap Speech and What It Has Done (To American Democracy), 16 First Amend. L. Rev. 200, 216–18 (2018) (describing how First Amendment restrictions on campaign finance laws can facilitate misinformation campaigns); Amanda Shanor, The New Lochner, 2016 Wis. L. Rev. 133, 202 (arguing that this deregulatory approach to the First Amendment concentrates power in the hands of a few and “displaces the policy preferences and the mechanisms for intelligent policy-preference development of a broader public with those of a smaller elite”); Ari Ezra Waldman, The Marketplace of Fake News, 20 U. Pa. J. Const. L. 845, 863–65 (2018) (describing how First Amendment protections for false speech limit the effect of consumer protection laws in addressing misinformation); Morgan N. Weiland, Expanding the Periphery and Threatening the Core: The Ascendant Libertarian Speech Tradition, 69 Stan. L. Rev. 1389, 1393–94 (2017) (arguing that “the outward creep of the First Amendment . . . risks undermining the theoretical traditions of the First Amendment itself, especially with respect to listeners’ rights and individual autonomy”).Show More Based on this diagnosis, scholars and policymakers have sought cures for these disorders in various sources of law, including antitrust law,23 23.See, e.g., Staff of H. Subcomm. on Antitrust, Com., & Admin. L. of the Comm. on the Judiciary, 117th Cong., Investigation of Competition in Digital Markets 13 (Comm. Print 2022).Show More consumer protection law,24 24.See, e.g., Callum Borchers, How the Federal Trade Commission Could (Maybe) Crack Down on Fake News, Wash. Post (Jan. 30, 2017, 12:22 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.‌com/‌news/the-fix/wp/2017/01/30/how-the-federal-trade-commission-could-maybe-crack-down-on-fake-news/ [https://perma.cc/CDV3-MBNR] (describing how consumer protection laws could be harnessed to attack misinformation campaigns).Show More and the laws governing intermediary liability.25 25.See, e.g., Noah Feldman, Free Speech, Libel and the Truth After Pizzagate, Bloomberg (Dec. 16, 2016, 12:24 PM), https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2016-12-16/free-sp‌eech-libel-and-the-truth-after-pizzagate#xj4y7vzkg [https://perma.cc/WSJ7-8EEF].Show More Yet this body of work has not fully captured the extent to which the nation’s information ecosystem is dependent on the body of law—both statutory and constitutional—that defines the rights of the press in the contest for control of information.

Media law scholars have focused more squarely on this legal regime. They have identified the crucial role of legislation in enabling the press to inform the public,26 26.David A. Anderson, Freedom of the Press, 80 Tex. L. Rev. 429, 432 (2002) (discussing the importance of nonconstitutional protections for the press).Show More recognized the inadequacy of constitutional protections for news-gathering,27 27.See generally Sonja West, Awakening the Press Clause, 58 UCLA L. Rev. 1025 (2011) (explaining that the Supreme Court does not recognize any independent right or protection arising solely from the Press Clause).Show More and emphasized how the fragility of the press compromises its ability to play its watchdog role.28 28.RonNell Andersen Jones, Litigation, Legislation, and Democracy in a Post-Newspaper America, 68 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 557, 570–71 (2011) (showing how the decline of news-gathering resources is undermining democracy); Luke Morgan, The Broken Branch: Capitalism, the Constitution, and the Press, 125 Pa. St. L. Rev. 1, 6 (2020) (arguing “that the institutional press is critically important in the constitutional structure, and that it is dying for reasons that have nothing to do with intentional censorship by the government and everything to do with market capitalism”).Show More Although these scholars have paid close attention to the inadequacy of legal protections for the press, they have not fully examined how the shifting power dynamics in the press-government relationship have contributed to the decay of those legal protections.29 29.There are important exceptions. See, e.g., Jones, supra note 28, at 559 (arguing that “discussions about the risks that might accompany the death of newspapers have almost entirely ignored the ramifications for development and enforcement of the law”); David McCraw & Stephen Gikow, The End to an Unspoken Bargain? National Security and Leaks in a Post-Pentagon Papers World, 48 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L. Rev. 473, 473–74 (2013) (describing the relationship between the press and the federal executive branch in the context of national security disclosures).Show More

This Article turns attention to these dynamics. It addresses the causes and consequences of First Amendment disequilibrium.30 30.In examining the press side of the balance, we build on the work of researchers who have documented the causes of the economic decline of the institutional press. Researchers, for example, have chronicled the dire financial consequences of the rise of online advertising and the decoupling of ad revenue from newspaper publishing.See, e.g., James T. Hamilton, Democracy’s Detectives: The Economics of Investigative Reporting 17 (2016); Martha Minow, Saving the News 19–20, 34–35 (2021); Jones, supra note 28, at 562–63, 568; RonNell Andersen Jones & Sonja R. West, The Fragility of the Free American Press, 112 Nw. U. L. Rev. 567, 576–78 (2017). We also look to the impact the economic decline of the institutional press has had on the democratic process. See, e.g., Joshua P. Darr, Matthew P. Hitt & Johanna L. Dunaway, Newspaper Closures Polarize Voting Behavior, 68 J. Commc’n 1007, 1008 (2018) (showing that when a local newspaper closes, voting becomes more polarized); Sam Schulhofer-Wolf & Miguel Garrido, Do Newspapers Matter? Short-Run and Long-Run Evidence from the Closure of The Cincinnati Post, 26 J. Media Econ. 60, 61 (2011) (finding that in the wake of a newspaper closure, voter turnout and campaign spending fell); Pengjie Gao, Chang Lee & Dermot Murphy, Financing Dies in Darkness? The Impact of Newspaper Closures on Public Finance 4–5, 21 (Hutchins Ctr. on Fiscal & Monetary Pol’y at Brookings, Working Paper No. 44, 2018), https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/‌uploads/‌2018/‌09/‌WP‌44.pdf [https://perma.cc/XKA5-3EUK] (finding that, in the wake of a newspaper closure, the salaries of top government officials rose). Finally, we incorporate insights from those researchers who have examined various pathologies of democratic discourse in the social media era, including the rise of misinformation and political polarization, and demonstrated how this rise corresponds with a loss of public confidence in the press as an arbiter of truth. See, e.g., Hunt Allcott & Matthew Gentzkow, Social Media and Fake News in the 2016 Election, 31 J. Econ. Persps. 211, 212–13 (2017) (evaluating the consumption of fake news on social media platforms prior to the 2016 presidential election); Jane R. Bambauer, Snake Oil Speech, 93 Wash. L. Rev. 73, 83 (2018) (arguing in favor of greater government intervention to regulate fake speech); Caroline Mala Corbin, The Unconstitutionality of Government Propaganda, 81 Ohio St. L.J. 815, 820 (2020) (proposing that the government violates the speech clause of the First Amendment by spreading false information to citizens); Hasen, supra note 22, at 204–05 (describing the role that the decline of newspapers and the rise of social media has played in the spread of misinformation during election campaigns); Helen Norton, The Government’s Lies and the Constitution, 91 Ind. L.J. 73, 74–75 (2015) (exploring constitutional limits on the government’s authority to lie).Show More It also offers remedies designed to aid the press in combatting government secrecy, informing the electorate, and checking governmental abuses of power. Revisiting this legal regime reveals how much of the nation’s information infrastructure has been constructed around a set of factual assumptions about the press and the government that no longer hold true. This insight, in turn, opens up new paths for reforming key parts of the public sphere.

The Article proceeds in four parts. Part I describes how the Supreme Court and legislatures of the 1960s and ’70s enshrined into law a “First Amendment equilibrium” that continues to set the terms of the struggle between the press and the executive branch over control of information. It examines the growing power of the press and the adoption of various constraints on the executive’s control of information in the wake of the Vietnam War and Watergate.31 31.See Jonathan M. Ladd, Why Americans Hate the Media and How It Matters 6 (2012) (“The existence of an independent, powerful, widely respected news media establishment is an historical anomaly. Prior to the twentieth century, such an institution had never existed in American history.”).Show More It then maps the ways that assumptions about both the strength of the press and the constraints on government have been baked into the current legal regime. It traces these two assumptions throughout the major press cases of this era, as well as through the construction of the major transparency statutes and intergovernmental checks enacted at both the federal and state levels in this period.

Part II examines the current state of disequilibrium between the government and the press. It describes the collapse of press power and the erosion of many Watergate-era intergovernmental constraints. It then traces the impact of this disequilibrium on various parts of the law, including the law governing access to national security secrets, the protection of confidential sources, and the development of constitutional and statutory rights of information access. In doing so, it also explores the extent to which obsolete assumptions about power dynamics and dependencies within the government-press relationship permeate First Amendment theory in a manner that thwarts today’s press from playing its constitutionally assigned role as government watchdog and enabler of democratic self-governance.

Part III surveys potential critiques of the First Amendment equilibrium model, including the views that this equilibrium is undesirable or unimportant, or that it was a fiction from the start. Part IV then concludes with potential remedies to the current disequilibrium. It asks how we might recalibrate the equilibrium destabilized by the collapse of key segments of the press. It argues that there are two central paths forward: fixing the press, so that there is sufficient public oversight of government; and fixing the law, so that the distortions caused by the press’s decline are minimized.

  1.  Josiah Bates, How a Journalist’s Refusal to Testify Against the Black Panthers Changed First Amendment Rights, Time (Feb. 28, 2022, 2:41 PM), https://time.com/6149443/earl-cald‌well-black-panthers-fbi/ [https://perma.cc/KP5X-L97H].
  2.  Id.
  3.  Id.
  4.  Branzburg v. Hayes, 408 U.S. 665, 675–77 (1972).
  5.  Id. at 665. Branzburg was a consolidation of four separate cases. In addition to the case involving Caldwell, see id. at 675, there were two cases involving a Kentucky newspaper reporter who reported on individuals making hashish and using illegal drugs. Id. at 667–69. A third involved a television reporter in Massachusetts who obtained information while inside the headquarters of the Black Panthers. Id. at 672–73. The reason the reporters advanced this constitutional claim was that there were no federal or state shield laws available to offer protection. One of the consolidated cases involved a federal grand jury, and there was (and is) no federal shield statute. Id. at 689. One involved a state grand jury in Massachusetts, which had no shield statute at the time. Id. The other two involved a grand jury in Kentucky, whose shield statute was held to be inapplicable. Id. at 668–70.
  6.  Id. at 681 (“The heart of the claim is that the burden on news gathering resulting from compelling reporters to disclose confidential information outweighs any public interest in obtaining the information.”).
  7.  Id. at 680–81, 691–92.
  8.  Id. The holding in this case is debated. Much of the confusion stems from a concurrence written by Justice Powell—who served as the majority’s fifth vote—which seemed to advocate for a First Amendment balancing test that the majority had expressly rejected. Id. at 709–10 (Powell, J., concurring); see Michele Bush Kimball, The Intent Behind the Cryptic Concurrence That Provided a Reporter’s Privilege, 13 Commc’n L. & Pol’y 379, 381–82 (2008) (contending, based on historical research, that Justice Powell intended to support recognition of a qualified reporter’s privilege). For years, the lower courts have puzzled over how to interpret the case. See Christina Koningisor, The De Facto Reporter’s Privilege, 127 Yale L.J. 1176, 1196–98 (2018) (describing the split among the circuits). More recently, however, the trend among lower courts has been to read the case more narrowly. See, e.g., McKevitt v. Pallasch, 339 F.3d 530, 532 (7th Cir. 2003) (Posner, J.) (“A large number of cases conclude, rather surprisingly in light of Branzburg, that there is a reporter’s privilege . . . .”); see also RonNell Andersen Jones, Media Subpoenas: Impact, Perception, and Legal Protection in the Changing World of American Journalism, 84 Wash. L. Rev. 317, 346 & n.111 (2009) (suggesting that “media-generous reading[s] [of] Branzburg” were in decline).
  9.  Branzburg, 408 U.S. at 667–68.
  10.  Id. at 706.
  11.  See infra Section II.A.
  12.  Penelope Muse Abernathy, Ctr. for Innovation & Sustainability in Loc. Media, News Deserts and Ghost Newspapers: Will Local News Survive? 8 (June 24, 2020), https://www.usnewsdeserts.com/wp-content/uploads/‌2020/‌06/2020_News_‌Deserts_‌and‌_‌Gh‌ost_Newspapers.pdf [https://perma.cc/87KA-BHCP]; see also Steven Waldman, The Local-News Crisis Is Weirdly Easy to Solve, Atlantic (Aug. 8, 2023), https://www.theatlantic.com/‌ideas/archive/2023/08/local-news-investment-economic-value/674942/ [https://perma.cc/‌K3‌3J-RNFA] (“On average, two newspapers close each week. Some 1,800 communities that used to have local news now don’t.”).
  13.  Megan Brenan, Americans’ Trust in Media Dips to Second Lowest on Record, Gallup (Oct. 7, 2021), https://news.gallup.com/poll/355526/americans-trust-media-dips-second-low‌est-record.aspx [https://perma.cc/R7B8-R9B4].
  14.  See infra Section I.B.
  15.  This Article uses the term “the executive” to refer to executive officials and agencies at federal, state, and local levels of government. This includes the president and federal agencies; state governors and state agencies; and local elected officials and local agencies, including local law enforcement agencies.
  16.  See infra Section I.C.
  17.  Alexander Bickel, The Morality of Consent 80 (1975).
  18.  Cass R. Sunstein, Government Control of Information, 74 Calif. L. Rev. 889, 890 (1986). The First Amendment equilibrium is not intended to capture all of First Amendment law. It focuses more narrowly on a subset of cases and statutes that establish the legal foundation that governs press-government relations. See id.
  19.  See Brenan, supra note 13. Of course, there are exceptions. A handful of institutional media actors and some non-institutional ones continue to uncover secrets that the executive branch would prefer to withhold at the national level. See discussion infra notes 215–21 and accompanying text; see also Azmat Khan, Hidden Pentagon Records Reveal Patterns of Failure in Deadly Airstrikes, N.Y. Times (Dec. 18, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/‌interactive/2021/12/18/us/airstrikes-pentagon-records-civilian-deaths.html [https://perma.cc/‌WZ34-VXQQ] (“Except for the rare instances of revelation and subsequent outcry, the Pentagon’s brief published reports on the minority of cases it finds credible are the only public acknowledgment of the air war’s civilian toll. The Times’s reporting in Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan points to the broader truth.”). However, some of these actors have faced serious consequences, including prosecution, for doing so. See, e.g., Press Release, U.S. Dep’t of Just., WikiLeaks Founder Julian Assange Charged in 18-Count Superseding Indictment (May 23, 2019), https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/wikileaks-founder-julian-assange-charged-18-count-superseding-indictment [https://perma.cc/S52X-5SG8]. Further, the ability of media actors to perform a watchdog role at the national level is not matched at the local level. See discussion infra Section II.A.
  20.  See infra Section II.B; see also Neal Kumar Katyal, Internal Separation of Powers: Checking Today’s Most Dangerous Branch from Within, 115 Yale L.J. 2314, 2316 (2006) (“The first-best concept of ‘legislature v. executive’ checks and balances must be updated to contemplate second-best ‘executive v. executive’ divisions.”).
  21.  In this sense, this Article is in keeping with Tim Wu’s influential essay. See Tim Wu, Is the First Amendment Obsolete?, 117 Mich. L. Rev. 547 (2018). In that essay, Wu observes that a core set of First Amendment cases were decided at a time when there was information scarcity and government suppression of dissent was the primary threat to free speech. Id. at 548. He argues that these previous First Amendment holdings do not necessarily hold up under the conditions of the digital public sphere today, in which an abundance of cheap and easily manipulated speech threatens the nation’s information ecosystem. Id. at 548–49. This Article identifies a similar mismatch between the economic and political conditions under which the major First Amendment press cases were decided and those decided today.
  22.  See, e.g., Richard L. Hasen, Cheap Speech and What It Has Done (To American Democracy), 16 First Amend. L. Rev. 200, 216–18 (2018) (describing how First Amendment restrictions on campaign finance laws can facilitate misinformation campaigns); Amanda Shanor, The New Lochner, 2016 Wis. L. Rev. 133, 202 (arguing that this deregulatory approach to the First Amendment concentrates power in the hands of a few and “displaces the policy preferences and the mechanisms for intelligent policy-preference development of a broader public with those of a smaller elite”); Ari Ezra Waldman, The Marketplace of Fake News, 20 U. Pa. J. Const. L. 845, 863–65 (2018) (describing how First Amendment protections for false speech limit the effect of consumer protection laws in addressing misinformation); Morgan N. Weiland, Expanding the Periphery and Threatening the Core: The Ascendant Libertarian Speech Tradition, 69 Stan. L. Rev. 1389, 1393–94 (2017) (arguing that “the outward creep of the First Amendment . . . risks undermining the theoretical traditions of the First Amendment itself, especially with respect to listeners’ rights and individual autonomy”).
  23.  See, e.g., Staff of H. Subcomm. on Antitrust, Com., & Admin. L. of the Comm. on the Judiciary, 117th Cong., Investigation of Competition in Digital Markets 13 (Comm. Print 2022).
  24.  See, e.g., Callum Borchers, How the Federal Trade Commission Could (Maybe) Crack Down on Fake News, Wash. Post (Jan. 30, 2017, 12:22 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.‌com/‌news/the-fix/wp/2017/01/30/how-the-federal-trade-commission-could-maybe-crack-down-on-fake-news/ [https://perma.cc/CDV3-MBNR] (describing how consumer protection laws could be harnessed to attack misinformation campaigns).
  25.  See, e.g., Noah Feldman, Free Speech, Libel and the Truth After Pizzagate, Bloomberg (Dec. 16, 2016, 12:24 PM), https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2016-12-16/free-sp‌eech-libel-and-the-truth-after-pizzagate#xj4y7vzkg [https://perma.cc/WSJ7-8EEF].
  26.  David A. Anderson, Freedom of the Press, 80 Tex. L. Rev. 429, 432 (2002) (discussing the importance of nonconstitutional protections for the press).
  27.  See generally Sonja West, Awakening the Press Clause, 58 UCLA L. Rev. 1025 (2011) (explaining that the Supreme Court does not recognize any independent right or protection arising solely from the Press Clause).
  28.  RonNell Andersen Jones, Litigation, Legislation, and Democracy in a Post-Newspaper America, 68 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 557, 570–71 (2011) (showing how the decline of news-gathering resources is undermining democracy); Luke Morgan, The Broken Branch: Capitalism, the Constitution, and the Press, 125 Pa. St. L. Rev. 1, 6 (2020) (arguing “that the institutional press is critically important in the constitutional structure, and that it is dying for reasons that have nothing to do with intentional censorship by the government and everything to do with market capitalism”).
  29.  There are important exceptions. See, e.g., Jones, supra note 28, at 559 (arguing that “discussions about the risks that might accompany the death of newspapers have almost entirely ignored the ramifications for development and enforcement of the law”); David McCraw & Stephen Gikow, The End to an Unspoken Bargain? National Security and Leaks in a Post-Pentagon Papers World, 48 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L. Rev. 473, 473–74 (2013) (describing the relationship between the press and the federal executive branch in the context of national security disclosures).
  30.  In examining the press side of the balance, we build on the work of researchers who have documented the causes of the economic decline of the institutional press. Researchers, for example, have chronicled the dire financial consequences of the rise of online advertising and the decoupling of ad revenue from newspaper publishing. See, e.g., James T. Hamilton, Democracy’s Detectives: The Economics of Investigative Reporting 17 (2016); Martha Minow, Saving the News 19–20, 34–35 (2021); Jones, supra note 28, at 562–63, 568; RonNell Andersen Jones & Sonja R. West, The Fragility of the Free American Press, 112 Nw. U. L. Rev. 567, 576–78 (2017). We also look to the impact the economic decline of the institutional press has had on the democratic process. See, e.g., Joshua P. Darr, Matthew P. Hitt & Johanna L. Dunaway, Newspaper Closures Polarize Voting Behavior, 68 J. Commc’n 1007, 1008 (2018) (showing that when a local newspaper closes, voting becomes more polarized); Sam Schulhofer-Wolf & Miguel Garrido, Do Newspapers Matter? Short-Run and Long-Run Evidence from the Closure of The Cincinnati Post, 26 J. Media Econ. 60, 61 (2011) (finding that in the wake of a newspaper closure, voter turnout and campaign spending fell); Pengjie Gao, Chang Lee & Dermot Murphy, Financing Dies in Darkness? The Impact of Newspaper Closures on Public Finance 4–5, 21 (Hutchins Ctr. on Fiscal & Monetary Pol’y at Brookings, Working Paper No. 44, 2018), https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/‌uploads/‌2018/‌09/‌WP‌44.pdf [https://perma.cc/XKA5-3EUK] (finding that, in the wake of a newspaper closure, the salaries of top government officials rose). Finally, we incorporate insights from those researchers who have examined various pathologies of democratic discourse in the social media era, including the rise of misinformation and political polarization, and demonstrated how this rise corresponds with a loss of public confidence in the press as an arbiter of truth. See, e.g., Hunt Allcott & Matthew Gentzkow, Social Media and Fake News in the 2016 Election, 31 J. Econ. Persps. 211, 212–13 (2017) (evaluating the consumption of fake news on social media platforms prior to the 2016 presidential election); Jane R. Bambauer, Snake Oil Speech, 93 Wash. L. Rev. 73, 83 (2018) (arguing in favor of greater government intervention to regulate fake speech); Caroline Mala Corbin, The Unconstitutionality of Government Propaganda, 81 Ohio St. L.J. 815, 820 (2020) (proposing that the government violates the speech clause of the First Amendment by spreading false information to citizens); Hasen, supra note 22, at 204–05 (describing the role that the decline of newspapers and the rise of social media has played in the spread of misinformation during election campaigns); Helen Norton, The Government’s Lies and the Constitution, 91 Ind. L.J. 73, 74–75 (2015) (exploring constitutional limits on the government’s authority to lie).
  31.  See Jonathan M. Ladd, Why Americans Hate the Media and How It Matters 6 (2012) (“The existence of an independent, powerful, widely respected news media establishment is an historical anomaly. Prior to the twentieth century, such an institution had never existed in American history.”).

Severability First Principles

The United States Supreme Court has decided a number of cases involving severability in the last decade, from NFIB v. Sebelius and Murphy v. NCAA to Seila Law v. CFPB, Barr v. AAPC, United States v. Arthrex, California v. Texas, and Collins v. Yellen. The analysis has not been consistent, the Justices have not been able to agree, and the results have not been intuitive. Some of the Justices have proposed a revisionist approach, but they too have been unable to agree on what it requires.

This Article proposes a return to first principles. Severability is a question of what the law is. Severability also includes two principles of constitutional law: that judges should enforce the law, and that the Constitution displaces ordinary law that is repugnant to it. And it also includes principles of non-constitutional law: that validly enacted statutes are law if they are not repugnant to the Constitution, that unenacted hopes and dreams are not, and that Congress may legislate for contingencies.

Much of the time, these principles lead to a simple bottom line: effectively complete severability, rebutted only by an inseverability clause or something else with the force of law. There are also harder cases where the bottom line is not so simple, but where the first principles of severability will nonetheless lead the way—the relevance of unconstitutional removal restrictions, the non-constitutional law that resolves unconstitutional combinations, and the relevance of severability to standing and other procedural questions.

Introduction

When part of a statute is unconstitutional, the courts engage in severability analysis. According to the cases, this analysis couples a presumption with a possible rebuttal. The presumption is one of severability: “[T]he invalid part may be dropped.”1.Alaska Airlines, Inc. v. Brock, 480 U.S. 678, 684 (1987) (quoting Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 108 (1976) (per curiam)).Show More The presumption is rebutted based on either an objective analysis, asking whether “what is left is fully operative as a law,”2.Id. (quoting Buckley, 424 U.S. at 108).Show More or a subjective analysis, asking whether “it is evident that the Legislature would not have enacted those provisions which are within its power, independently of that which is not.”3.Id.Show More Slightly more controversially, the same seems to be true for a single provision with constitutional and unconstitutional applications.4.Ayotte v. Planned Parenthood of N. New Eng., 546 U.S. 320, 328–29 (2006).Show More

There have been many calls to abandon or reform severability doctrine.5.See, e.g., Murphy v. NCAA, 138 S. Ct. 1461, 1487 (2018) (Thomas, J., concurring) (“[O]ur modern severability precedents are in tension with longstanding limits on the judicial power.”); Kevin C. Walsh, Partial Unconstitutionality, 85 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 738, 742 (2010) (calling for a “displacement-based approach”); Tom Campbell, Severability of Statutes, 62 Hastings L.J. 1495, 1497 (2011) (proposing a “complete abolition of the severability doctrine”); Lisa Marshall Manheim, Beyond Severability, 101 Iowa L. Rev. 1833, 1838 (2016) (advocating for the replacement of severability with a broader inquiry into legislative intent).Show More But there is no consensus about what the problem is or what to do instead. At least one problem, though, is methodological: the modern approach to statutory interpretation is heavily influenced by formalism generally and textualism specifically. Such judges have extra reason to be skeptical of current doctrine. They doubt the coherence or the relevance of counterfactual inquiries into legislative intent and also tend to resist the normative analysis that sometimes lies behind particular severability arguments. And severability can look uncomfortably like “rewriting” a statute, which most judges today know they are not supposed to get caught doing. So, we need an account of severability that makes formal sense.

This is a natural occasion for a return to first principles, and some have tried. Several recent articles make promising contributions,6.Especially noteworthy are Walsh, supra note 5; John Harrison, Severability, Remedies, and Constitutional Adjudication, 83 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 56 (2014); and Jonathan F. Mitchell, The Writ-of-Erasure Fallacy, 104 Va. L. Rev. 933 (2018).Show More and recent opinions by Justices Thomas and Gorsuch have attempted to synthesize them into a new revisionist account of severability.7.See infra Section II.B.Show More But their work is incomplete. Justices Thomas and Gorsuch cannot even agree among themselves in several recent cases, and throughout they may be trying to squeeze more certainty out of the literature than it can supply. We still need a clearer account of the first principles that answer the severability problem and of what those principles do and do not imply.

Returning to first principles also requires us to determine whether severability analysis comes from the Constitution or instead from statutory interpretation or other non-constitutional law. In truth, it is both. Severability principles are a combination of both constitutional and non-constitutional law. The Constitution tells us that it displaces ordinary law that is inconsistent with it. It also tells us that judges (among others) are supposed to apply the law. But these constitutional principles are not all there is to severability. We also need to know what is the law, when some part of a statute has been found to be constitutionally repugnant? Ordinary principles of statutory interpretation fill in this answer. Federal law is what has been enacted by Congress and not otherwise displaced, including any fallback law. And, of course, any non-federal legal rules also continue to apply.

Much of the time, these principles lead to a simple bottom line: judges should enforce a statute except in the specific cases where its application is unconstitutional. But this simplicity is deceptive. The bottom line becomes more difficult to see in the case of unconstitutional combinations: when two statutory requirements are unconstitutional if taken together, which one should be disregarded? These difficult cases—more widespread than many realize—illuminate an aspect of the Constitution that has been there all along: the Constitution tells us what the law isn’t, but not always what it is. Solving the severability problem in these cases—saying what the law is—requires going beyond the text of the statute, whether formalist judges like it or not.

Other difficulties come up in the context of standing and other threshold questions. When can a plaintiff establish standing on the basis of an inseverability argument, and when can a severability argument defeat standing? These questions have proven difficult for the courts, but this time it is the difficulty that is deceptive. Once we straighten out our severability analysis, it drives us to straightforward answers in these cases.

This Article puts forward the first principles of severability and then applies them, first to the easy cases and then to the hard ones. Part I argues that severability is a question of law; that the Constitution displaces repugnant law; and that all non-repugnant law should be enforced, including fallback law such as severability and inseverability clauses. Part II describes how these principles would reframe severability doctrine, how Justices Gorsuch and Thomas have come close to restating these principles, and how the principles also clarify facial challenges and national injunctions. Part III tackles the harder cases, such as unconstitutional combinations and severability procedure.

  1. Alaska Airlines, Inc. v. Brock, 480 U.S. 678, 684 (1987) (quoting Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 108 (1976) (per curiam)).
  2. Id. (quoting Buckley, 424 U.S. at 108).
  3. Id.
  4. Ayotte v. Planned Parenthood of N. New Eng., 546 U.S. 320, 328–29 (2006).
  5. See, e.g., Murphy v. NCAA, 138 S. Ct. 1461, 1487 (2018) (Thomas, J., concurring) (“[O]ur modern severability precedents are in tension with longstanding limits on the judicial power.”); Kevin C. Walsh, Partial Unconstitutionality, 85 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 738, 742 (2010) (calling for a “displacement-based approach”); Tom Campbell, Severability of Statutes, 62 Hastings L.J. 1495, 1497 (2011) (proposing a “complete abolition of the severability doctrine”); Lisa Marshall Manheim, Beyond Severability, 101 Iowa L. Rev. 1833, 1838 (2016) (advocating for the replacement of severability with a broader inquiry into legislative intent).
  6. Especially noteworthy are Walsh, supra note 5; John Harrison, Severability, Remedies, and Constitutional Adjudication, 83 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 56 (2014); and Jonathan F. Mitchell, The Writ-of-Erasure Fallacy, 104 Va. L. Rev. 933 (2018).
  7. See infra Section II.B.

Property’s Boundaries

Property law has a boundary problem. Courts are routinely called upon to decide whether certain kinds of things can be owned—cells, genes, organs, gametes, embryos, corpses, personal data, and more. Under prevailing contemporary theories of property law, questions like these have no justiciable answers. Because property has no conceptual essence, they maintain, its boundaries are arbitrary—a flexible normative choice more properly legislative than judicial.

This Article instead offers a straightforward descriptive theory of property’s boundaries. The common law of property is legitimated by its basis in the concept of ownership, a descriptive relationship of absolute control that exists outside of the law. Ownership’s limits thus lie at the limits of absolute control—that which cannot in principle be the subject of human dominion cannot be owned. In short, this Article both offers a comprehensive explanation for why a conceptual theory of property’s limits matters and how one can be possible, and defends a substantive theory of the concept of ownership as control.

Under this theory, cells, organs, gametes, embryos, and corpses can be owned. But information—like genes and personal data—that cannot be controlled cannot be owned. Viewed through this lens, intellectual property—a challenge for any theory of property that appears to entail ownership in information—can be understood either as a statutory analogy or a rough approximation of the real but temporary control of information exercised by those who create or discover it.

Introduction

In October 2021, the estate of Henrietta Lacks sued Thermo Fisher Scientific.1.Civil Complaint & Request for Jury Trial, Lacks v. Thermo Fisher Sci. Inc., No. 1:21-cv-02524 (D. Md. filed Oct. 4, 2021) [hereinafter Lacks Complaint].Show More The underlying facts are by now well-known.2.See generally Rebecca Skloot, The Immortal Life of Henrietta Lacks (2010) (summarizing the Henrietta Lacks story).Show More On February 5, 1951, Ms. Lacks sought treatment for cervical cancer at Johns Hopkins Hospital.3.Lacks Complaint, supra note 1, at 2.Show More In the course of her treatment, physicians removed, without her consent, a portion of her tumor for research.4.Id.Show More The cells were found to have a stunning quality—they reproduced indefinitely outside the human body.5.Id. at 3.Show More For the first time, scientists could conduct research on mass-produced human cells.6.Id.Show More This cell-line, known as “HeLa” after its source, underwrote the biotechnology revolution and the immeasurable profits of companies—including Thermo Fisher—that have intellectual property in HeLa cells.7.Id. at 3–4.Show More But Ms. Lacks, who died shortly after the operation, never knew any of this, and her family has never legally owned any part of the HeLa cell line. This, the Lacks family’s complaint alleges, was “theft”—“this genetic material was stolen from Ms. Lacks.”8.Id. at 12. Although rhetorically describing the incident as “theft,” the complaint sounds in unjust enrichment. Id. at 12–13. Unjust enrichment is an equitable remedy whereby a plaintiff is entitled to the gains of a defendant “enriched by misconduct and who acts . . . with knowledge of the underlying wrong.” Restatement (Third) of Restitution and Unjust Enrichment § 51(3) (Am. L. Inst. 2011). It seems that the plaintiffs have three distinct theories of the underlying “wrong”—(1) “theft,” Lacks Complaint, supra note 1, at 12; (2) “assault,” id. at 5; and (3) violation of privacy, id. at 4. This Article only touches on the legal plausibility of the first—whether or not a claim for unjust enrichment on the basis of conversion is plausible. Lacks’s claim based on assault or violation of privacy remains independently plausible.Show More

The plaintiffs face an uphill battle convincing the court that Lacks’s doctors stole her cells. In the famous case Moore v. Regents of the University of California, the Supreme Court of California rejected a similar claim for conversion by a plaintiff whose spleen was used for research without his consent. The court observed the law “deal[s] with human biological materials as objects sui generis,” not subject to the “general law of personal property.”9.793 P.2d 479, 489 (Cal. 1990).Show More Human biological materials, the court suggested—organs, cells, gametes, and more—cannot be owned.10 10.Id. (“[T]he laws governing such things as human tissues, transplantable organs, blood, fetuses, pituitary glands, corneal tissue, and dead bodies deal with human biological materials as objects sui generis, regulating their disposition to achieve policy goals rather than abandoning them to the general law of personal property.” (footnotes omitted)).Show More

But why? After all, many people (maybe most) feel that they own their cells and genetic material, and that Henrietta Lacks owned hers.11 11.See, e.g., Barbara J. Evans, Barbarians at the Gate: Consumer-Driven Health Data Commons and the Transformation of Citizen Science, 42 Am. J.L. & Med. 651, 659 (2016) (revealing that in a 2014 survey on personal health data, only thirteen percent of respondents were agnostic to the question of ownership).Show More Others disagree.12 12.See, e.g., Henry H. Heng, HeLa Genome Versus Donor’s Genome, 501 Nature 167, 167 (2013) (“I contend that the continual divergence of chromosomal features (‘karyotype’) and DNA sequence in dynamic cancer-cell populations undermines debate over ownership of the HeLa cancer-cell line derived from Henrietta Lacks six decades ago.”).Show More Debates in the public sphere like this—about the boundaries of property law, about whether a kind of thing can be owned—are hardly limited to Henrietta Lacks and immortal cell lines. Indeed, we debate and litigate the ownership of organs,13 13.See, e.g., B. Björkman & S.O. Hansson, Bodily Rights and Property Rights, 32 J. Med. Ethics 209, 209 (2006) (“An underlying issue in these discussions is whether various types of biological material can be owned.”).Show More tissue samples,14 14.See, e.g., Shannon Cunningham, Kieran C. O’Doherty, Karine Sénécal, David Secko & Denise Avard, Public Concerns Regarding the Storage and Secondary Uses of Residual Newborn Bloodspots: An Analysis of Print Media, Legal Cases, and Public Engagement Activities, 6 J. Cmty. Genetics 117, 124 (2015) (“Across the public engagement activities we reviewed, numerous participants stated that parents have a right to retain ownership of their child’s blood samples and control over who has access to the specimens.”).Show More genetic information,15 15.See, e.g., Jon F. Merz & Mildred K. Cho, What Are Gene Patents and Why Are People Worried About Them?, 8 Cmty. Genetics 203, 203 (2005) (noting that “[n]umerous ethical concerns have been raised about the effects of [gene] patents on clinical medical practice as well as on research and development,” although “[n]early 30,000 human genes have been patented in the US”).Show More gametes and embryos,16 16.See, e.g., Radhika Rao, Property, Privacy, and the Human Body, 80 B.U. L. Rev. 359, 414 (2000) (“Courts appear utterly confused as to how to classify these objects, characterizing sperm and embryos variously as property, quasi-property, or not the subject of property rights at all but governed instead by precepts of privacy.”); see also Hecht v. Superior Court, 16 Cal. App. 4th 836, 850 (1993) (holding that a decedent “had an interest, in the nature of ownership,” permitting sperm to be bequeathed); David Horton, Indescendibility, 102 Calif. L. Rev. 543, 580–81 (2014) (discussing the extent to which Hecht supports the existence of property rights in sperm).Show More corpses,17 17.See, e.g., Ray D. Madoff, Immortality and the Law: The Rising Power of the American Dead 16–17 (2010).Show More digital data,18 18.See, e.g., David A. Dana & Nadav Shoked, Property’s Edges, 60 B.C. L. Rev. 753, 761 (2019) (“[O]ver the past few months, popular and legislative disputes over privacy on the Internet and the allocation of rights to information between users, websites, and providers[] have likewise extensively employed—somewhat thoughtlessly—the boundary-focused terms supposedly derived from traditional property law.”).Show More and much more. These debates arise whenever value is discovered within—or technology makes it possible to capture value in—something new.19 19.See, e.g., Meredith M. Render, The Law of the Body, 62 Emory L.J. 549, 569 (2013) [hereinafter Render, The Law of the Body] (noting that “when conditions are ripe—when we discover something new (or something that is useful in a new way) that is also ‘ownable’—our concept of property bends to accommodate the new entity”); Abraham Bell & Gideon Parchomovsky, A Theory of Property, 90 Cornell L. Rev. 531, 563 (2005) (“As society changes, the value derived from different assets is transformed, and therefore the objects of property law will change over time.”).Show More

Courts presented with these kinds of questions need a theory of property’s boundaries. But they would search largely in vain for one in contemporary property theory. Indeed, conventional legal wisdom has it that there are no conceptual answers to what can be owned.20 20.See, e.g., Guido Calabresi & A. Douglas Melamed, Property Rules, Liability Rules, and Inalienability: One View of the Cathedral, 85 Harv. L. Rev. 1089, 1089–93 (1972) (arguing that society chooses to protect entitlements with “property rules” or “liability rules” in order to maximize welfare); Jessica L. Roberts, Progressive Genetic Ownership, 93 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1105, 1159–60 (2018) (arguing that the state should recognize individual ownership of genetic information because doing so would maximize human flourishing under Roberts’s pluralistic theory of human flourishing).Show More Instead, the law of property is widely understood to be an arbitrary “bundle of sticks”—a collection of rights and responsibilities designed to achieve exogenous social goals, not a coherent concept with determinable boundaries.21 21.See, e.g., Abraham Bell & Gideon Parchomovsky, Reconfiguring Property in Three Dimensions, 75 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1015, 1015 (2008) (“As any first-year student knows, modern theorists have savaged the idea of ‘absolute dominion’ and tend, instead, to view property as a ‘bundle of rights,’ . . . .”).Show More From this perspective, the question of what can be owned is a normative one. It is necessarily coterminous with questions about what should be owned, who should own what, and how ownership ought to be regulated.22 22.Cf. J.E. Penner, The Idea of Property in Law 106 (paperback ed. 2000) (“For most philosophers, the actual objects of property are uninteresting, and the real meat of the question about property is how we can justify unequal holdings.”).Show More In our system of popular sovereignty and separation of powers, these questions are inappropriate for judicial resolution. If the conventional legal wisdom is correct, we would need to adopt by statute a code of property’s boundaries.23 23.See infra Section II.A.Show More

This Article, in contrast, argues that the concept of ownership—which exists outside the law and from which the common law of property derives its legitimacy—offers a descriptive, properly judicial theory of the boundaries of property law. Ownership is a relationship characterized by absolute control, and it cannot exist where a person could not in principle exercise absolute control over something.24 24.See infra Section III.A.Show More This means that ownership can properly apply to anything over which control can in principle be exercised, but not to those things that it cannot be.25 25.See infra Part IV.Show More

This distinction illuminates many public and legal controversies about ownership. On the one hand, because it can be subject to absolute control, human biological matter—from organs and corpses to cells and embryos—can be owned.26 26.See infra Section IV.A.Show More We control, and therefore own, our bodies and their constituents. On the other hand, information that is in principle accessible to anyone and cannot be manipulated cannot be owned.27 27.See infra Section IV.B.Show More This means that human genetic information and personal data are not ownable. In cases such as Lacks’s, the theory tells us that when Ms. Lacks walked into the clinic for treatment, she owned the cells of her tumor.28 28.See, e.g., Thomas W. Merrill & Henry E. Smith, Property: Principles and Policies 57 (3d ed. 2017) (“[A]mong the ways that ownership can get started is for someone to possess a thing for the first time with the requisite intent.”).Show More But that is of course not really what her claim of theft is about.29 29.At least, it’s not what the rhetoric of the lawsuit is about. It is in fact possible to have a claim for unjust enrichment even if the only thing Lacks owned were her cells ab initio, as the derivation of the metaphysically distinct HeLa cell line may have been premised on the underlying wrong.Show More It’s the HeLa cell line—not Lacks’s cancer cells—from which the biotechnology companies have profited. HeLa is not metaphysically identical to Lacks’s cancer cells—what they share is genetic information.30 30.See generally Heng, supra note 12.Show More Because information, genetic or otherwise, cannot be owned, Lacks’s estate has never owned the HeLa line.

The theory of property’s boundaries offered in this Article is descriptive, not normative. It is a theory of the entailments of ownership as the concept actually exists outside the law, not a claim about whether the outcomes it suggests are good or bad, or whether we ought to have a common law of property organized around the concept of ownership in the first place. As such, the theory is entirely compatible with the possibility that people like Ms. Lacks have remedies in other areas of law—privacy, informed consent, or intentional torts, most prominently.31 31.Indeed, in Moore, the court held that Moore had stated a claim for breach of informed consent after dismissing Moore’s claim for conversion. See Moore v. Regents of the Univ. of Cal., 793 P.2d 479, 497 (Cal. 1990).Show More Indeed, it is also entirely legitimate for legislatures to codify structures analogous to ownership by statute (as discussed below, this is one way to understand intellectual property).32 32.See infra Section IV.C.Show More But this theory tells us the boundaries of the judge-made law of property—so long as judges ground their decisions on the concept of ownership, they might get it wrong, but they do not act illegitimately. And this matters because, for better or worse, courts are in fact regularly called upon to adjudicate whether something can be owned.33 33.See, e.g., Lacks Complaint, supra note 1, at 13; Moore, 793 P.2d at 488–89; Wash. Univ. v. Catalona, 490 F.3d 667, 670 (8th Cir. 2007); Greenberg v. Mia. Child.’s Hosp. Rsch. Inst., Inc., 264 F. Supp. 2d 1064, 1074 (S.D. Fla. 2003) (holding that individuals with Canavan disease did not have an ownership interest in the gene that causes Canavan disease isolated from their tissue samples); Szafranski v. Dunston, 993 N.E.2d 502, 517–18 (Ill. App. Ct. 2013) (resolving a dispute of ownership between ex-boyfriend and ex-girlfriend over embryos they had jointly created).Show More

This Article builds on growing scholarly criticism of the “bundle of sticks” model of property.34 34.See, e.g., Henry E. Smith, Property as the Law of Things, 125 Harv. L. Rev. 1691, 1695 (2012) (criticizing the bundle theory); J.E. Penner, Property Rights: A Re-Examination 3–4 (2020) (same).Show More Indeed, although that model remains predominate,35 35.See, e.g., Eric R. Claeys, Property, Concepts, and Functions, 60 B.C. L. Rev. 1, 10 (2019) [hereinafter Claeys, Property, Concepts, and Functions] (“Bundle views probably remain dominant both in legal scholarship and in analytical-philosophy scholarship.”).Show More the view of property law as essentially arbitrary and normative has come under sustained attack over the past several decades.36 36.See, e.g., Jane B. Baron, Property as Control: The Case of Information, 18 Mich. Telecomms. & Tech. L. Rev. 367, 384 (2012) (noting that “the bundle-of-rights metaphor . . . has been under particularly heavy weather recently”); see also Shane Nicholas Glackin, Back to Bundles: Deflating Property Rights, Again, 20 Legal Theory 1, 1 (2014) (“My aim in this paper may, at first glance, strike the reader as somewhat odd. It is a defense of a theory of property rights that after all has been prevalent among legal theorists for most of the last century and that is taught as a matter of routine in most undergraduate property-law courses in order ‘to disabuse entering law students of their primitive lay notions regarding ownership.’”).Show More Moreover, some scholars have outlined conceptual theories of property’s boundaries analogous to this Article’s, although they offer different views of the concept’s substance.37 37.See Thomas W. Merrill, Property and the Right to Exclude, 77 Neb. L. Rev. 730, 753 (1998) [hereinafter Merrill, Property and the Right to Exclude] (arguing that the essence of property is exclusion); Arthur Ripstein, Possession and Use, in Philosophical Foundations of Property Law 156, 156 (James Penner & Henry E. Smith eds., 2013) (same for “exclusive use”); Penner, supra note 22, at 111 (arguing that “separability” delimits the boundaries of the concept of property); John Locke, Two Treatises of Government 185 (The Legal Classic Libr. 1994) (1690) (arguing that labor is the essence of property); Bart J. Wilson, The Property Species: Mine, Yours, and the Human Mind 19 (2020), https://doi.org/​10.1093/oso/9780190936785.003.0001 [https://perma.cc/PX8D-CW8B] (arguing that an irreducible concept of “mine” organizes property law).Show More Building within this intellectual movement, this Article offers a comprehensive explanation for why a conceptual theory of property’s boundaries matters and how it is possible.38 38.See infra Part II.Show More Further, it defends a substantive theory of the concept of ownership as control—and ownership’s boundaries at the boundaries of control—as opposed to the alternatives.39 39.See infra Part III.Show More

The argument proceeds in four Parts. In Part I, I canvass the development of contemporary property theory and illustrate the extent to which still-prevailing theories conflate theories about what can be owned with what should be, rendering questions about the boundaries of property fundamentally legislative.

In Part II, I lay the groundwork for a conceptual theory of property’s boundaries by explaining why such a theory matters and how it could be possible. In short, the extra-legal existence of concepts relied on by the common law legitimates common law law-making consistent with democratic theory, and the concept of ownership could exist metaphysically, psychologically, or socially.

In Part III, I outline a theory of property law as grounded in an extra-legal concept of ownership understood as absolute control. I argue that ownership—absolute control—is a determinate category. And I situate ownership as control in relation to other conceptual theories of property and show how it fares better at explaining the concept.

Finally, in Part IV, I apply this theory to some contemporary boundary challenges in property law, bioethics, and law and technology. I find that, under the theory, such things as organs, gametes, tissue samples, organisms, and corpses fall within property’s conceptual domain. In contrast, genetic information, gene sequences, information derived from tissue samples, and personal data cannot conceptually be subject to property law. Moreover, I apply the theory to the most challenging case recognized in positive law at the boundaries of ownership—intellectual property—and find that it fares plausibly, if roughly.

  1. Civil Complaint & Request for Jury Trial, Lacks v. Thermo Fisher Sci. Inc., No. 1:21-cv-02524 (D. Md. filed Oct. 4, 2021) [hereinafter Lacks Complaint].
  2. See generally Rebecca Skloot, The Immortal Life of Henrietta Lacks (2010) (summarizing the Henrietta Lacks story).
  3. Lacks Complaint, supra note 1, at 2.
  4. Id.
  5. Id. at 3.
  6. Id.
  7. Id. at 3–4.
  8. Id. at 12. Although rhetorically describing the incident as “theft,” the complaint sounds in unjust enrichment. Id. at 12–13. Unjust enrichment is an equitable remedy whereby a plaintiff is entitled to the gains of a defendant “enriched by misconduct and who acts . . . with knowledge of the underlying wrong.” Restatement (Third) of Restitution and Unjust Enrichment § 51(3) (Am. L. Inst. 2011). It seems that the plaintiffs have three distinct theories of the underlying “wrong”—(1) “theft,” Lacks Complaint, supra note 1, at 12; (2) “assault,” id. at 5; and (3) violation of privacy, id. at 4. This Article only touches on the legal plausibility of the first—whether or not a claim for unjust enrichment on the basis of conversion is plausible. Lacks’s claim based on assault or violation of privacy remains independently plausible.
  9. 793 P.2d 479, 489 (Cal. 1990).
  10. Id. (“[T]he laws governing such things as human tissues, transplantable organs, blood, fetuses, pituitary glands, corneal tissue, and dead bodies deal with human biological materials as objects sui generis, regulating their disposition to achieve policy goals rather than abandoning them to the general law of personal property.” (footnotes omitted)).
  11.  See, e.g., Barbara J. Evans, Barbarians at the Gate: Consumer-Driven Health Data Commons and the Transformation of Citizen Science, 42 Am. J.L. & Med. 651, 659 (2016) (revealing that in a 2014 survey on personal health data, only thirteen percent of respondents were agnostic to the question of ownership).
  12. See, e.g., Henry H. Heng, HeLa Genome Versus Donor’s Genome, 501 Nature 167, 167 (2013) (“I contend that the continual divergence of chromosomal features (‘karyotype’) and DNA sequence in dynamic cancer-cell populations undermines debate over ownership of the HeLa cancer-cell line derived from Henrietta Lacks six decades ago.”).
  13. See, e.g., B. Björkman & S.O. Hansson, Bodily Rights and Property Rights, 32 J. Med. Ethics 209, 209 (2006) (“An underlying issue in these discussions is whether various types of biological material can be owned.”).
  14. See, e.g., Shannon Cunningham, Kieran C. O’Doherty, Karine Sénécal, David Secko & Denise Avard, Public Concerns Regarding the Storage and Secondary Uses of Residual Newborn Bloodspots: An Analysis of Print Media, Legal Cases, and Public Engagement Activities, 6 J. Cmty. Genetics 117, 124 (2015) (“Across the public engagement activities we reviewed, numerous participants stated that parents have a right to retain ownership of their child’s blood samples and control over who has access to the specimens.”).
  15. See, e.g., Jon F. Merz & Mildred K. Cho, What Are Gene Patents and Why Are People Worried About Them?, 8 Cmty. Genetics 203, 203 (2005) (noting that “[n]umerous ethical concerns have been raised about the effects of [gene] patents on clinical medical practice as well as on research and development,” although “[n]early 30,000 human genes have been patented in the US”).
  16. See, e.g., Radhika Rao, Property, Privacy, and the Human Body, 80 B.U. L. Rev. 359, 414 (2000) (“Courts appear utterly confused as to how to classify these objects, characterizing sperm and embryos variously as property, quasi-property, or not the subject of property rights at all but governed instead by precepts of privacy.”); see also Hecht v. Superior Court, 16 Cal. App. 4th 836, 850 (1993) (holding that a decedent “had an interest, in the nature of ownership,” permitting sperm to be bequeathed); David Horton, Indescendibility, 102 Calif. L. Rev. 543, 580–81 (2014) (discussing the extent to which Hecht supports the existence of property rights in sperm).
  17. See, e.g., Ray D. Madoff, Immortality and the Law: The Rising Power of the American Dead 16–17 (2010).
  18. See, e.g., David A. Dana & Nadav Shoked, Property’s Edges, 60 B.C. L. Rev. 753, 761 (2019) (“[O]ver the past few months, popular and legislative disputes over privacy on the Internet and the allocation of rights to information between users, websites, and providers[] have likewise extensively employed—somewhat thoughtlessly—the boundary-focused terms supposedly derived from traditional property law.”).
  19. See, e.g., Meredith M. Render, The Law of the Body, 62 Emory L.J. 549, 569 (2013) [hereinafter Render, The Law of the Body] (noting that “when conditions are ripe—when we discover something new (or something that is useful in a new way) that is also ‘ownable’—our concept of property bends to accommodate the new entity”); Abraham Bell & Gideon Parchomovsky, A Theory of Property, 90 Cornell L. Rev. 531, 563 (2005) (“As society changes, the value derived from different assets is transformed, and therefore the objects of property law will change over time.”).
  20. See, e.g., Guido Calabresi & A. Douglas Melamed, Property Rules, Liability Rules, and Inalienability: One View of the Cathedral, 85 Harv. L. Rev. 1089, 1089–93 (1972) (arguing that society chooses to protect entitlements with “property rules” or “liability rules” in order to maximize welfare); Jessica L. Roberts, Progressive Genetic Ownership, 93 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1105, 1159–60 (2018) (arguing that the state should recognize individual ownership of genetic information because doing so would maximize human flourishing under Roberts’s pluralistic theory of human flourishing).
  21. See, e.g., Abraham Bell & Gideon Parchomovsky, Reconfiguring Property in Three Dimensions, 75 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1015, 1015 (2008) (“As any first-year student knows, modern theorists have savaged the idea of ‘absolute dominion’ and tend, instead, to view property as a ‘bundle of rights,’ . . . .”).
  22. Cf. J.E. Penner, The Idea of Property in Law 106 (paperback ed. 2000) (“For most philosophers, the actual objects of property are uninteresting, and the real meat of the question about property is how we can justify unequal holdings.”).
  23. See infra Section II.A.
  24. See infra Section III.A.
  25. See infra Part IV.
  26. See infra Section IV.A.
  27. See infra Section IV.B.
  28. See, e.g., Thomas W. Merrill & Henry E. Smith, Property: Principles and Policies 57 (3d ed. 2017) (“[A]mong the ways that ownership can get started is for someone to possess a thing for the first time with the requisite intent.”).
  29. At least, it’s not what the rhetoric of the lawsuit is about. It is in fact possible to have a claim for unjust enrichment even if the only thing Lacks owned were her cells ab initio, as the derivation of the metaphysically distinct HeLa cell line may have been premised on the underlying wrong.
  30. See generally Heng, supra note 12.
  31. Indeed, in Moore, the court held that Moore had stated a claim for breach of informed consent after dismissing Moore’s claim for conversion. See Moore v. Regents of the Univ. of Cal., 793 P.2d 479, 497 (Cal. 1990).
  32. See infra Section IV.C.
  33. See, e.g., Lacks Complaint, supra note 1, at 13; Moore, 793 P.2d at 488–89; Wash. Univ. v. Catalona, 490 F.3d 667, 670 (8th Cir. 2007); Greenberg v. Mia. Child.’s Hosp. Rsch. Inst., Inc., 264 F. Supp. 2d 1064, 1074 (S.D. Fla. 2003) (holding that individuals with Canavan disease did not have an ownership interest in the gene that causes Canavan disease isolated from their tissue samples); Szafranski v. Dunston, 993 N.E.2d 502, 517–18 (Ill. App. Ct. 2013) (resolving a dispute of ownership between ex-boyfriend and ex-girlfriend over embryos they had jointly created).
  34. See, e.g., Henry E. Smith, Property as the Law of Things, 125 Harv. L. Rev. 1691, 1695 (2012) (criticizing the bundle theory); J.E. Penner, Property Rights: A Re-Examination 3–4 (2020) (same).
  35. See, e.g., Eric R. Claeys, Property, Concepts, and Functions, 60 B.C. L. Rev. 1, 10 (2019) [hereinafter Claeys, Property, Concepts, and Functions] (“Bundle views probably remain dominant both in legal scholarship and in analytical-philosophy scholarship.”).
  36.  See, e.g., Jane B. Baron, Property as Control: The Case of Information, 18 Mich. Telecomms. & Tech. L. Rev. 367, 384 (2012) (noting that “the bundle-of-rights metaphor . . . has been under particularly heavy weather recently”); see also Shane Nicholas Glackin, Back to Bundles: Deflating Property Rights, Again, 20 Legal Theory 1, 1 (2014) (“My aim in this paper may, at first glance, strike the reader as somewhat odd. It is a defense of a theory of property rights that after all has been prevalent among legal theorists for most of the last century and that is taught as a matter of routine in most undergraduate property-law courses in order ‘to disabuse entering law students of their primitive lay notions regarding ownership.’”).
  37. See Thomas W. Merrill, Property and the Right to Exclude, 77 Neb. L. Rev. 730, 753 (1998) [hereinafter Merrill, Property and the Right to Exclude] (arguing that the essence of property is exclusion); Arthur Ripstein, Possession and Use, in Philosophical Foundations of Property Law 156, 156 (James Penner & Henry E. Smith eds., 2013) (same for “exclusive use”); Penner, supra note 22, at 111 (arguing that “separability” delimits the boundaries of the concept of property); John Locke, Two Treatises of Government 185 (The Legal Classic Libr. 1994) (1690) (arguing that labor is the essence of property); Bart J. Wilson, The Property Species: Mine, Yours, and the Human Mind 19 (2020), https://doi.org/​10.1093/oso/9780190936785.003.0001 [https://perma.cc/PX8D-CW8B] (arguing that an irreducible concept of “mine” organizes property law).
  38. See infra Part II.
  39. See infra Part III.