Unequal Enforcement Of The Equal Time Rule: Late Night, Talk Radio, And The News Interview Exemption

Introduction

It is rare for the head of a regulatory agency like the Federal Communications Commission (“FCC”) to emerge as a central figure in popular and political discourse. But in his short time as FCC chair, Brendan Carr—through his public criticism of television shows and networks,1 1.As an FCC commissioner, two months before becoming chair, Carr falsely accused Saturday Night Live of violating the law by including a cameo appearance by Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris. See Emma Colton, FCC Commissioner Rips NBC Over Harris’ Last-Minute SNL Appearance: ‘Plainly Designed to Evade’ the Rules, FOX News (Nov. 3, 2024, at 13:53 ET), https://www.foxnews.com/politics/fcc-commissioner-rips‌-nbc-over-harris-last-minute-snl-appearance-plainly-designed-evade-rules [https://perma.cc/‌57D5-EM63]. NBC offered equal time to Donald Trump, so there was no violation. Stephen Battaglio, Trump Campaign Gets Equal Time from NBC After Harris SNL Appearance, L.A. Times (Nov. 4, 2024, at 13:35 PT), https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/busines‌s/story/2024-11-04/trump-campaign-gets-equal-time-from-nbc-after-harris-snl-appearance [https://perma.cc/5JBS-F3DV].Show More and his threats over entertainment programming2 2.After Jimmy Kimmel joked on air about the assassination of Charlie Kirk, Carr said, “we can do this the easy way or the hard way” while discussing potential regulatory actions against ABC. Benny Johnson, Kash Patel Testifying LIVE Now on Charlie Kirk Assassin | Dark Texts with Trans Boyfriend Released . . . , at 1:30:03 (YouTube, Sep. 17, 2025), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4dNxPINQdcs. Following Carr’s comments, ABC suspended Kimmel. John Koblin, Michael M. Grynbaum & Brooks Barnes, ABC Pulls Jimmy Kimmel Off Air for Charlie Kirk Comments After F.C.C. Pressure, N.Y. Times (Sep. 17, 2025), https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/17/business/media/abc-jimmy-kimmel.html.Show More and news coverage3 3.Carr threatened to revoke the licenses of broadcasters who aired false or “hoax[]” coverage of the war in Iran, echoing President Donald Trump’s call to target “[u]npatriotic” news organizations. Joseph Stepansky, Threats Over Iran War Bare Trump Efforts to Transform Free Speech: Experts, Al Jazeera (Mar. 23, 2026), https://www.aljazeera.com/ne‌ws/2026/3/23/threats-over-iran-war-bare-trump-efforts-to-transform-free-speech-experts [https://perma.cc/W44J-3FHS].Show More—has become one of the most controversial figures in government.

More consequential than Carr’s rhetoric are the policy decisions he has directed. One of those, the focus of this Essay, is the FCC’s public notice in early 20264 4.Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n, DA 26-68, FCC’s Media Bureau Provides Guidance on Political Equal Opportunities Requirement for Broadcast Television Stations (Jan. 21, 2026) [hereinafter 2026 Equal Time Notice], https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/DA-26-68A1.‌pdf [https://perma.cc/KEG7-7L6L].Show More of a change to its interpretation of the Equal Opportunity Rules.5 5.47 U.S.C. § 315. Part (a) outlines what is generally referred to as the Equal Time Rule while part (b) outlines rules regarding candidate advertising.Show More Under § 315(a) of the Communications Act, generally referred to as the Equal Time Rule, when legally qualified candidates for office appear in broadcast programming, the broadcaster must offer the same amount of time to opposing candidates.6 6.Id. § 315(a).Show More But the statute exempts “bona fide news” appearances, including newscasts, news interviews, news documentaries, and news events.7 7.Id. § 315(a)(1)–(4).Show More The FCC has historically interpreted the news interview exemption broadly to include programs like The Tonight Show and the old Howard Stern radio show.8 8.See infra notes 68–72 and accompanying text.Show More

Despite this long-established interpretation, Carr criticized ABC’s daytime talk show The View, accusing it of violating the law by platforming Democratic candidates without offering equal time to Republicans.9 9.Radhamely De Leon, FCC Head Warns It Could Be “Worthwhile” To “Look Into” Whether ‘The View’ Is Violating FCC Rules, The Decider (Sep. 19, 2025, at 10:54 ET), www.decider.com/2025/09/19/fcc-view-violating-rules [https://perma.cc/3A23-VUZX].Show More Then, on January 21, 2026, the Media Bureau released a public notice (hereinafter 2026 Equal Time Notice) asserting that it would no longer presume that late-night and daytime television talk shows qualify for the news interview exemption.10 10.2026 Equal Time Notice, supra note 4, at 3–4.Show More Shortly thereafter, Carr acknowledged that the FCC had begun to formally investigate The View.11 11.Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n, February 2026 Open Commission Meeting, at 58:20 (YouTube, Feb. 18, 2026) [hereinafter FCC, February 2026 Meeting], https://www.youtube.‌com/watch?v=UW0Tsya97-o. In May, Disney and some of its local affiliates petitioned the FCC for a declaration that The View is a bona fide news interview program, and the FCC responded by opening up a public comment period ending July 6. Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n, Comment on Petition by Disney’s ABC Asking the FCC to Declare That The View Qualifies as a Bona Fide News Interview Program, MB Docket No. 26-124, DA 26-517 (May 22, 2026), https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/DA-26-517A1.pdf [https://perma.cc/978G-Q‌37U]. If the FCC takes even 90 days to respond (a timeline it is not obligated to adhere to), this could leave the matter unresolved through Election Day.Show More Conspicuously, the 2026 Equal Time Notice makes no mention of broadcast radio, where conservative talk shows dominate and Republican candidates appear routinely.12 12.See infra Part III.Show More The notice warns against the platforming of candidates for “partisan purposes”13 13.2026 Equal Time Notice, supra note 4, at 3.Show More but directs this and its other admonitions solely at broadcast television.

The controversy over the FCC’s new approach peaked after CBS lawyers told Late Show host Stephen Colbert on February 16, 2026, that he had to scrap a planned guest appearance by Democratic U.S. Senate candidate James Talarico, and that he could not mention the ban on the air.14 14.The Late Show with Stephen Colbert, Why CBS Didn’t Broadcast Stephen Colbert’s Interview with James Talarico, at 01:34 (YouTube, Feb. 16, 2026), https://www.youtube.co‌m/watch?v=oh7DPSP65JA.Show More Colbert defied them in part by revealing to his audience what had transpired behind the scenes.15 15.Id.Show More He then posted his interview with Talarico online,16 16.See generally The Late Show with Stephen Colbert, Rep. James Talarico on Confronting Christian Nationalism, and the Strange Days in the Texas Legislature (YouTube, Feb. 17, 2026), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oiTJ7Pz_59A.Show More where the equal opportunities laws do not apply.17 17.See 47 U.S.C. § 315(a)–(b) (imposing obligations solely on “licensee[s]” who allow candidates to appear on their “broadcasting station[s]”).Show More

Reaction to the Colbert incident was intense, with people from across the political spectrum suddenly debating about these obscure regulations that have been in force since the Radio Act of 192718 18.Radio Act of 1927, 47 U.S.C. §§ 81–119, repealed by, Communications Act of 1934, ch. 652, § 602(a), 48 Stat. 1102.Show More but have rarely captured much public attention. Public discussion about the rules has been intense but often uninformed, with some people confusing the equal opportunities provisions with the defunct Fairness Doctrine,19 19.Editorializing by Broadcast Licensees, 13 F.C.C. 1246, 1249–50 (1949) (requiring broadcasters to address issues of public significance and air competing points of view on those issues). The Fairness Doctrine was abandoned by the FCC as policy in Syracuse Peace Council, 2 FCC Rcd. 5043 (1987).Show More or conflating § 315(a), the equal time provisions, with § 315(b), which requires broadcasters to provide equal access and reduced rates for political advertising.20 20.47 U.S.C. § 315(b)(1)–(2).Show More Grounded debate on this issue is urgently needed.

This Essay seeks to contribute to the conversation in three ways. First, it presents the results of an empirical analysis of some prominent television and radio talk shows, testing some of the assumptions underlying the 2026 Equal Time Notice and Carr’s critiques. Second, it offers a critical analysis of the FCC’s equal time reversal, concluding that in addition to being bad policy built on false assumptions and imposed through flawed processes, it violates both the First Amendment and the anti-censorship provision of the Communications Act.21 21.Id. § 326 (“Nothing in this chapter shall be understood or construed to give the Commission the power of censorship over the radio communications or signals transmitted by any radio station, and no regulation or condition shall be promulgated or fixed by the Commission which shall interfere with the right of free speech by means of radio communication.”).Show More The final aim of the Essay is to provide some context for this debate by offering a snapshot history of the Equal Opportunity Rules and the FCC’s interpretation and application of them over time.

Although this Essay is about policy, not personality, they cannot easily be separated here. Carr takes direction from President Trump in ways that are unusual for an agency head, and Carr even scrubbed the FCC website of references to its status as an “independent agency.”22 22.David Shepardson, FCC Deletes Reference to Agency Independence During US Senate Hearing, Reuters (Dec. 17, 2025, at 17:58 ET), https://www.reuters.com/business/media-tele‌com/fcc-deletes-reference-agency-independence-during-us-senate-hearing-2025-12-17 [https‌://perma.cc/BB9U-T2AN].Show More Carr also echoes President Trump’s pointed rhetoric, railing against the “fake news media,”23 23.FCC, February 2026 Meeting, supra note 11, at 56:45.Show More insulting individuals like “sleepy-eyed Chuck Todd,”24 24.PBS NewsHour, WATCH LIVE: FCC Chair Brendan Carr Speaks at CPAC, at 02:38 (YouTube, Mar. 27, 2026), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uP8r6oE2Y5M.Show More and accusing mainstream media of having “Trump derangement syndrome.”25 25.FCC, February 2026 Meeting, supra note 11, at 55:55.Show More On March 27, 2026, Carr told the audience at the CPAC Convention that Trump is taking on the fake media and he “is winning,”26 26.PBS NewsHour, supra note 24, at 02:30.Show More even though “we[]”27 27.Id. at 02:55 (emphasis added).Show More have not yet finished the mission. Carr then rattled off the victories: liberal hosts and reporters like Joy Reid, Chuck Todd, and Jim Acosta are no longer on the air; Democratic-leaning shows like The Late Show with Stephen Colbert have been cancelled; and funding for public media has been zeroed out.28 28.Id.Show More Carr also extolled the Paramount takeover of CBS and promised the crowd, “CNN is gonna have new ownership as well.”29 29.Id.Show More Carr’s public statements mirror his policy moves and the FCC’s enforcement actions, which have largely targeted liberal media while protecting conservative ones.30 30.For example, after outgoing FCC chair Jessica Rosenworcel dismissed several complaints against broadcast stations because they threatened the stations’ First Amendment rights, Carr reinstated the complaints, but only the ones targeting ABC, CBS, and NBC stations, not the ones targeting FOX affiliates. See Katie Kwasneski, FCC Investigations Under Trump Could Hurt Broadcasters, Gateway Journalism Rev. (Feb. 27, 2025), https://ga‌tewayjr.org/fcc-investigations-under-trump-could-hurt-broadcasters/ [https://perma.cc/3ZL4-‌2SKT].Show More To be clear, the new 2026 Equal Time Notice is defective, independent of Carr’s proclivities, but his comments and actions raise questions about his motives that are relevant to assessments of the policy’s legitimacy and constitutionality.31 31.See infra notes 132–33 and accompanying text. It is also important to note that the FCC only has three sitting commissioners: Carr, fellow Republican Olivia Trusty, and Democrat Anna Gomez. The other two slots are vacant. See Leadership, Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n, https://www.fcc.gov/about/leadership [https://perma.cc/6BZF-DWGU] (last visited July 16, 2026). This gives Carr even more unchecked discretion, and he also personally directs the Media Bureau, which is driving much of this activity. Brendan Carr, Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n, https://www.fcc.gov/about/leadership/brendan-carr/staff [https://p‌erma.cc/7YBE-42SW] (last visited July 19, 2026).Show More

Part I of this Essay addresses the original rationale for the equal opportunities law and shows that—in part because of the broad scope of the bona fide news exceptions—enforcement has focused almost exclusively on appearances by candidates in entertainment programming under § 315(a), and on advertising access under § 315(b). Part II addresses the bona fide news exceptions, their origins, and how they have been applied over time. Part III outlines the results of the empirical analysis of candidate appearances on several daytime and late-night TV talk shows, and on some nationally syndicated and local talk radio shows. This research shows how common candidate appearances are on both broadcast TV and radio, and how stark the differences are, with Republicans getting significantly less attention than Democrats on TV talk shows, but with Democrats entirely absent from leading talk radio shows. Secondary analysis also shows that candidate interviews in all these formats are generally substantive, and there is no reason to remove any of these shows from the news interview exemption. Part IV critiques the FCC’s new enforcement notice, arguing that it is an arbitrary and capricious change that also violates the First Amendment.

  1.  As an FCC commissioner, two months before becoming chair, Carr falsely accused Saturday Night Live of violating the law by including a cameo appearance by Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris. See Emma Colton, FCC Commissioner Rips NBC Over Harris’ Last-Minute SNL Appearance: ‘Plainly Designed to Evade’ the Rules, FOX News (Nov. 3, 2024, at 13:53 ET), https://www.foxnews.com/politics/fcc-commissioner-rips‌-nbc-over-harris-last-minute-snl-appearance-plainly-designed-evade-rules [https://perma.cc/‌57D5-EM63]. NBC offered equal time to Donald Trump, so there was no violation. Stephen Battaglio, Trump Campaign Gets Equal Time from NBC After Harris SNL Appearance, L.A. Times (Nov. 4, 2024, at 13:35 PT), https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/busines‌s/story/2024-11-04/trump-campaign-gets-equal-time-from-nbc-after-harris-snl-appearance [https://perma.cc/5JBS-F3DV]. ↑
  2.  After Jimmy Kimmel joked on air about the assassination of Charlie Kirk, Carr said, “we can do this the easy way or the hard way” while discussing potential regulatory actions against ABC. Benny Johnson, Kash Patel Testifying LIVE Now on Charlie Kirk Assassin | Dark Texts with Trans Boyfriend Released . . . , at 1:30:03 (YouTube, Sep. 17, 2025), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4dNxPINQdcs. Following Carr’s comments, ABC suspended Kimmel. John Koblin, Michael M. Grynbaum & Brooks Barnes, ABC Pulls Jimmy Kimmel Off Air for Charlie Kirk Comments After F.C.C. Pressure, N.Y. Times (Sep. 17, 2025), https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/17/business/media/abc-jimmy-kimmel.html. ↑
  3.  Carr threatened to revoke the licenses of broadcasters who aired false or “hoax[]” coverage of the war in Iran, echoing President Donald Trump’s call to target “[u]npatriotic” news organizations. Joseph Stepansky, Threats Over Iran War Bare Trump Efforts to Transform Free Speech: Experts, Al Jazeera (Mar. 23, 2026), https://www.aljazeera.com/ne‌ws/2026/3/23/threats-over-iran-war-bare-trump-efforts-to-transform-free-speech-experts [https://perma.cc/W44J-3FHS]. ↑
  4.  Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n, DA 26-68, FCC’s Media Bureau Provides Guidance on Political Equal Opportunities Requirement for Broadcast Television Stations (Jan. 21, 2026) [hereinafter 2026 Equal Time Notice], https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/DA-26-68A1.‌pdf [https://perma.cc/KEG7-7L6L]. ↑
  5.  47 U.S.C. § 315. Part (a) outlines what is generally referred to as the Equal Time Rule while part (b) outlines rules regarding candidate advertising. ↑
  6.  Id. § 315(a). ↑
  7.  Id. § 315(a)(1)–(4). ↑
  8.  See infra notes 68–72 and accompanying text. ↑
  9.  Radhamely De Leon, FCC Head Warns It Could Be “Worthwhile” To “Look Into” Whether ‘The View’ Is Violating FCC Rules, The Decider (Sep. 19, 2025, at 10:54 ET), www.decider.com/2025/09/19/fcc-view-violating-rules [https://perma.cc/3A23-VUZX]. ↑
  10.  2026 Equal Time Notice, supra note 4, at 3–4. ↑
  11.  Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n, February 2026 Open Commission Meeting, at 58:20 (YouTube, Feb. 18, 2026) [hereinafter FCC, February 2026 Meeting], https://www.youtube.‌com/watch?v=UW0Tsya97-o. In May, Disney and some of its local affiliates petitioned the FCC for a declaration that The View is a bona fide news interview program, and the FCC responded by opening up a public comment period ending July 6. Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n, Comment on Petition by Disney’s ABC Asking the FCC to Declare That The View Qualifies as a Bona Fide News Interview Program, MB Docket No. 26-124, DA 26-517 (May 22, 2026), https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/DA-26-517A1.pdf [https://perma.cc/978G-Q‌37U]. If the FCC takes even 90 days to respond (a timeline it is not obligated to adhere to), this could leave the matter unresolved through Election Day. ↑
  12.  See infra Part III. ↑
  13.  2026 Equal Time Notice, supra note 4, at 3. ↑
  14.  The Late Show with Stephen Colbert, Why CBS Didn’t Broadcast Stephen Colbert’s Interview with James Talarico, at 01:34 (YouTube, Feb. 16, 2026), https://www.youtube.co‌m/watch?v=oh7DPSP65JA. ↑
  15.  Id. ↑
  16.  See generally The Late Show with Stephen Colbert, Rep. James Talarico on Confronting Christian Nationalism, and the Strange Days in the Texas Legislature (YouTube, Feb. 17, 2026), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oiTJ7Pz_59A. ↑
  17.  See 47 U.S.C. § 315(a)–(b) (imposing obligations solely on “licensee[s]” who allow candidates to appear on their “broadcasting station[s]”). ↑
  18.  Radio Act of 1927, 47 U.S.C. §§ 81–119, repealed by, Communications Act of 1934, ch. 652, § 602(a), 48 Stat. 1102. ↑
  19.  Editorializing by Broadcast Licensees, 13 F.C.C. 1246, 1249–50 (1949) (requiring broadcasters to address issues of public significance and air competing points of view on those issues). The Fairness Doctrine was abandoned by the FCC as policy in Syracuse Peace Council, 2 FCC Rcd. 5043 (1987). ↑
  20.  47 U.S.C. § 315(b)(1)–(2). ↑
  21.  Id. § 326 (“Nothing in this chapter shall be understood or construed to give the Commission the power of censorship over the radio communications or signals transmitted by any radio station, and no regulation or condition shall be promulgated or fixed by the Commission which shall interfere with the right of free speech by means of radio communication.”). ↑
  22.  David Shepardson, FCC Deletes Reference to Agency Independence During US Senate Hearing, Reuters (Dec. 17, 2025, at 17:58 ET), https://www.reuters.com/business/media-tele‌com/fcc-deletes-reference-agency-independence-during-us-senate-hearing-2025-12-17 [https‌://perma.cc/BB9U-T2AN]. ↑
  23.  FCC, February 2026 Meeting, supra note 11, at 56:45. ↑
  24.  PBS NewsHour, WATCH LIVE: FCC Chair Brendan Carr Speaks at CPAC, at 02:38 (YouTube, Mar. 27, 2026), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uP8r6oE2Y5M. ↑
  25.  FCC, February 2026 Meeting, supra note 11, at 55:55. ↑
  26.  PBS NewsHour, supra note 24, at 02:30. ↑
  27.  Id. at 02:55 (emphasis added). ↑
  28.  Id. ↑
  29.  Id. ↑
  30.  For example, after outgoing FCC chair Jessica Rosenworcel dismissed several complaints against broadcast stations because they threatened the stations’ First Amendment rights, Carr reinstated the complaints, but only the ones targeting ABC, CBS, and NBC stations, not the ones targeting FOX affiliates. See Katie Kwasneski, FCC Investigations Under Trump Could Hurt Broadcasters, Gateway Journalism Rev. (Feb. 27, 2025), https://ga‌tewayjr.org/fcc-investigations-under-trump-could-hurt-broadcasters/ [https://perma.cc/3ZL4-‌2SKT]. ↑
  31.  See infra notes 132–33 and accompanying text. It is also important to note that the FCC only has three sitting commissioners: Carr, fellow Republican Olivia Trusty, and Democrat Anna Gomez. The other two slots are vacant. See Leadership, Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n, https://www.fcc.gov/about/leadership [https://perma.cc/6BZF-DWGU] (last visited July 16, 2026). This gives Carr even more unchecked discretion, and he also personally directs the Media Bureau, which is driving much of this activity. Brendan Carr, Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n, https://www.fcc.gov/about/leadership/brendan-carr/staff [https://p‌erma.cc/7YBE-42SW] (last visited July 19, 2026). ↑

The Indian Treaty Power

Introduction

“Great nations, like great men, should keep their word.”1 1.Fed. Power Comm’n v. Tuscarora Indian Nation, 362 U.S. 99, 142 (1960) (Black, J., dissenting).Show More

The Supreme Court has an Indian law problem.2 2.This Note uses “Indian” and “Native American” interchangeably to refer to indigenous peoples, consistent with the norms of Indian law scholarship. See, e.g., Gregory Ablavsky, Beyond the Indian Commerce Clause, 124 Yale L.J. 1012, 1014 n.3 (2015).Show More For the first century of this country’s history, Indian tribes were treated as sovereign nations capable of signing treaties, selling their lands, and governing themselves. But 140 years ago, in United States v. Kagama, the Court changed course, bestowing upon the federal government a “plenary”—that is, an exclusive and unlimited—power over Indian affairs, which extended even to regulating the tribes’ internal affairs.3 3.118 U.S. 375, 384–85 (1886).Show More Kagama has been described as “the ghost of manifest destiny that will not let go,”4 4.M. Henry Ishitani & Alexandra Fay, Revising the Indian Plenary Power Doctrine, 29 Mich. J. Race & L. 1, 2 (2024).Show More and the plenary power it inaugurated has been condemned by scholars as untethered from the Constitution,5 5.See, e.g., Philip P. Frickey, Domesticating Federal Indian Law, 81 Minn. L. Rev. 31, 43 (1996) (observing that the “text of the Constitution lacks much of a hint of any plenary power”).Show More rooted in racialized stereotypes,6 6.See, e.g., Ishitani & Fay, supra note 4, at 2–3.Show More at odds with historical practice recognizing Indian sovereignty,7 7.See, e.g., Steven Paul McSloy, Back to the Future: Native American Sovereignty in the 21st Century, 20 N.Y.U. Rev. L. & Soc. Change 217, 218–20 (1993).Show More and “repugnant to the doctrine of enumerated powers.”8 8.Id. at 253.Show More Despite the criticisms lobbed at the plenary power, it has facilitated virtually the entire statutory framework governing Indian affairs—both good and bad. In addition to policies that have enabled the displacement and ethnic cleansing of Indian tribes,9 9.See Nell Jessup Newton, Federal Power Over Indians: Its Sources, Scope, and Limitations, 132 U. Pa. L. Rev. 195, 227 (1984) (describing the criminalization of indigenous religions and the removal of Native children to boarding schools).Show More the power also serves as the basis for most of Title 25—the portion of the United States Code that houses legislation designed to benefit the tribes in areas ranging from education to healthcare to child welfare.10 10.See Ishitani & Fay, supra note 4, at 17; Ablavsky, supra note 2, at 1016.Show More

But 2023’s Haaland v. Brackeen highlighted cracks in the plenary power’s foundation. Brackeen considered, but did not settle, the constitutionality of the Indian Child Welfare Act (“ICWA”),11 11.Haaland v. Brackeen, 143 S. Ct. 1609, 1629–31 (2023).Show More which regulates state custody proceedings regarding the placement of Indian children with the aim of keeping them in their tribal communities.12 12.Indian Child Welfare Act, 25 U.S.C. §§ 1901–1963.Show More If the Court had faithfully applied Kagama, this would have been an easy case—it could have simply invoked the plenary power without further discussion. But it did not. While the Court gestured at the doctrine, it also canvassed possible bases for ICWA rooted in the Constitution’s text and structure.13 13.Brackeen, 143 S. Ct. at 1630–32.Show More Among the potential alternatives the Court considered were the Indian Commerce Clause,14 14.Id. at 1630.Show More the Treaty Clause,15 15.Id. at 1631.Show More and the federal government’s inherent power over foreign affairs.16 16.Id.Show More But the opinion never settled which textual basis, if any, could sustain ICWA.17 17.Id. at 1630–31 (upholding ICWA because petitioners failed to discharge their “burden of establishing ICWA’s unconstitutionality”).Show More By invoking the plenary power while in the same breath exploring specific constitutional provisions, the Court betrayed its lack of faith in the plenary power’s continuing vitality. The stakes of this doctrinal instability are high; although Brackeen narrowly concerned ICWA, the Court’s waning confidence in the plenary power imperils all of Title 25.

Some scholars have argued that abandoning the doctrine would “effectively erase[]” a myriad of essential programs covering Indian healthcare, housing, education, and more.18 18.See Ablavsky, supra note 2, at 1016 (internal quotation marks omitted); Ishitani & Fay, supra note 4, at 17.Show More But if this is the only reason for adhering to a doctrine that is both contrary to the principle of enumerated powers and unsupported by the Constitution’s text, that reason has weak persuasive force. If the problem is that, without the plenary power, much of Title 25 would fall, the solution is to ground Indian legislation in a textual provision that can legitimately support it.

This Note proposes that the Treaty Clause of Article II, together with the Necessary and Proper Clause of Article I, allows the federal government to fulfill its obligations to Indian nations without resorting to plenary authority. Prior scholarship has largely converged on the Indian Commerce Clause as the proper constitutional home for Title 25;19 19.See, e.g., Stephen Andrews, In Defense of the Indian Commerce Clause, 9 Am. Indian L.J. 182, 204–06 (2021); Ablavsky, supra note 2, at 1029.Show More but, as this Note demonstrates, that provision is insufficient to sustain legislation like ICWA, which lacks any nexus to commerce. While the Court has invoked the Treaty Clause a few times in addressing federal authority over Indian affairs,20 20.Brackeen, 143 S. Ct. at 1628; McClanahan v. Ariz. State Tax Comm’n, 411 U.S. 164, 172 n.7 (1973); United States v. Lara, 541 U.S. 193, 200 (2004); Morton v. Mancari, 417 U.S. 535, 552 (1974).Show More and a handful of scholars have briefly gestured at the provision,21 21.See, e.g., Lorianne Updike Toler, The Missing Indian Affairs Clause, 88 U. Chi. L. Rev. 413, 482 (2021) (arguing that, in the absence of a plenary power, the solution is to ratify new treaties with the tribes); Saikrishna Prakash, Against Tribal Fungibility, 89 Corn. L. Rev. 1069, 1095–97 (2004) (arguing that specific treaties might give the government narrow authority vis-à-vis particular tribes).Show More this Note is the first piece of legal scholarship to fully consider its potential and to operationalize it through the Necessary and Proper Clause.

This Note proceeds in three parts. Part I details the origins and scholarly critiques of the plenary power doctrine and traces the Supreme Court’s slow retreat from it. Part II argues that the most popular alternative to the plenary power, the Indian Commerce Clause, is insufficient to sustain portions of Title 25, specifically the provisions lacking any nexus to economic enterprise. Such provisions exist in a state of constitutional limbo. Part III fills that gap, arguing that the Necessary and Proper Clause authorizes Congress to implement the United States’ treaties with Indian tribes, and that Title 25 legislation is “necessary and proper” to honor those commitments. While this Note focuses on ICWA as a uniquely vulnerable statute, its arguments apply with equal force to other provisions in Title 25.22 22.Doing away with the plenary power “would render much of federal Indian law . . . at least preliminarily suspect.” Ishitani & Fay, supra note 4, at 17. Because noneconomic crimes, United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598, 617 (2000), and land use, Lake Country Ests., Inc. v. Tahoe Reg’l Plan. Agency, 440 U.S. 391, 402 (1979), are traditionally regulated at the local level, Title 25 legislation that operates in these areas, similar to ICWA, cannot be sustained under the Commerce Clause. Nonetheless, this legislation too might be considered “necessary and proper” to implementing various treaties. Compare, e.g., Indian Civil Rights Act § 204, 25 U.S.C. § 1304 (authorizing tribal jurisdiction over domestic violence offenses committed on Indian lands), Indian Reorganization Act, 25 U.S.C. §§ 5101–5129 (taking land into trust for the tribes and managing its use), and 25 U.S.C. §§ 371–380 (regulating the intestacy of Indian lands), with Treaty with the Navajo Indians, Navajo-U.S., art. I, ¶ 2, June 1, 1868, 15 Stat. 667, https://treaties.okstate.edu/treaties/treaty-‌with-the-navaho-1868-1015 [https://perma.cc/2WQY-8EUN] (providing for the punishment of white offenders in Indian country), Treaty with the Cherokees, Cherokee-U.S., arts. VIII–IX, July 2, 1791, 7 Stat. 39, https://treaties.okstate.edu/treaties/treaty-with-the-cherokee-179‌1-0029 [https://perma.cc/Z45F-ZQZ4] (setting apart land for the tribe and providing for assistance in managing it), and Treaty with the Chickasaw, Chickasaw-U.S., art. IV, May 24, 1834, 7 Stat. 450, https://treaties.okstate.edu/treaties/treaty-with-the-chickasaw-183‌4-0418 [https://perma.cc/JX24-KPQS] (providing for the descent of Indian lands to heirs).Show More

  1.  Fed. Power Comm’n v. Tuscarora Indian Nation, 362 U.S. 99, 142 (1960) (Black, J., dissenting). ↑
  2.  This Note uses “Indian” and “Native American” interchangeably to refer to indigenous peoples, consistent with the norms of Indian law scholarship. See, e.g., Gregory Ablavsky, Beyond the Indian Commerce Clause, 124 Yale L.J. 1012, 1014 n.3 (2015). ↑
  3.  118 U.S. 375, 384–85 (1886). ↑
  4.  M. Henry Ishitani & Alexandra Fay, Revising the Indian Plenary Power Doctrine, 29 Mich. J. Race & L. 1, 2 (2024). ↑
  5.  See, e.g., Philip P. Frickey, Domesticating Federal Indian Law, 81 Minn. L. Rev. 31, 43 (1996) (observing that the “text of the Constitution lacks much of a hint of any plenary power”). ↑
  6.  See, e.g., Ishitani & Fay, supra note 4, at 2–3. ↑
  7.  See, e.g., Steven Paul McSloy, Back to the Future: Native American Sovereignty in the 21st Century, 20 N.Y.U. Rev. L. & Soc. Change 217, 218–20 (1993). ↑
  8.  Id. at 253. ↑
  9.  See Nell Jessup Newton, Federal Power Over Indians: Its Sources, Scope, and Limitations, 132 U. Pa. L. Rev. 195, 227 (1984) (describing the criminalization of indigenous religions and the removal of Native children to boarding schools). ↑
  10.  See Ishitani & Fay, supra note 4, at 17; Ablavsky, supra note 2, at 1016. ↑
  11.  Haaland v. Brackeen, 143 S. Ct. 1609, 1629–31 (2023). ↑
  12.  Indian Child Welfare Act, 25 U.S.C. §§ 1901–1963. ↑
  13.  Brackeen, 143 S. Ct. at 1630–32. ↑
  14.  Id. at 1630. ↑
  15.  Id. at 1631. ↑
  16.  Id. ↑
  17.  Id. at 1630–31 (upholding ICWA because petitioners failed to discharge their “burden of establishing ICWA’s unconstitutionality”). ↑
  18.  See Ablavsky, supra note 2, at 1016 (internal quotation marks omitted); Ishitani & Fay, supra note 4, at 17. ↑
  19.  See, e.g., Stephen Andrews, In Defense of the Indian Commerce Clause, 9 Am. Indian L.J. 182, 204–06 (2021); Ablavsky, supra note 2, at 1029. ↑
  20.  Brackeen, 143 S. Ct. at 1628; McClanahan v. Ariz. State Tax Comm’n, 411 U.S. 164, 172 n.7 (1973); United States v. Lara, 541 U.S. 193, 200 (2004); Morton v. Mancari, 417 U.S. 535, 552 (1974). ↑
  21.  See, e.g., Lorianne Updike Toler, The Missing Indian Affairs Clause, 88 U. Chi. L. Rev. 413, 482 (2021) (arguing that, in the absence of a plenary power, the solution is to ratify new treaties with the tribes); Saikrishna Prakash, Against Tribal Fungibility, 89 Corn. L. Rev. 1069, 1095–97 (2004) (arguing that specific treaties might give the government narrow authority vis-à-vis particular tribes). ↑
  22.  Doing away with the plenary power “would render much of federal Indian law . . . at least preliminarily suspect.” Ishitani & Fay, supra note 4, at 17. Because noneconomic crimes, United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598, 617 (2000), and land use, Lake Country Ests., Inc. v. Tahoe Reg’l Plan. Agency, 440 U.S. 391, 402 (1979), are traditionally regulated at the local level, Title 25 legislation that operates in these areas, similar to ICWA, cannot be sustained under the Commerce Clause. Nonetheless, this legislation too might be considered “necessary and proper” to implementing various treaties. Compare, e.g., Indian Civil Rights Act § 204, 25 U.S.C. § 1304 (authorizing tribal jurisdiction over domestic violence offenses committed on Indian lands), Indian Reorganization Act, 25 U.S.C. §§ 5101–5129 (taking land into trust for the tribes and managing its use), and 25 U.S.C. §§ 371–380 (regulating the intestacy of Indian lands), with Treaty with the Navajo Indians, Navajo-U.S., art. I, ¶ 2, June 1, 1868, 15 Stat. 667, https://treaties.okstate.edu/treaties/treaty-‌with-the-navaho-1868-1015 [https://perma.cc/2WQY-8EUN] (providing for the punishment of white offenders in Indian country), Treaty with the Cherokees, Cherokee-U.S., arts. VIII–IX, July 2, 1791, 7 Stat. 39, https://treaties.okstate.edu/treaties/treaty-with-the-cherokee-179‌1-0029 [https://perma.cc/Z45F-ZQZ4] (setting apart land for the tribe and providing for assistance in managing it), and Treaty with the Chickasaw, Chickasaw-U.S., art. IV, May 24, 1834, 7 Stat. 450, https://treaties.okstate.edu/treaties/treaty-with-the-chickasaw-183‌4-0418 [https://perma.cc/JX24-KPQS] (providing for the descent of Indian lands to heirs). ↑

What is Insurance for Tort Law?

Introduction

This Article provides a long-deferred answer to a question a student asked in my torts class some years ago: “What is insurance for tort law?” As I answered more briefly then, insurance is many things for tort law. Insurance not only dominates the defense side of most tort litigation, with all the institutional consequences that entails, but it also affects how we understand tort law. For example, the spread of liability insurance allowed mid-twentieth-century torts scholars and judges to imagine tort law as a loss-spreading and cost-internalizing institution,1 1.See infra Section III.A.Show More and liability insurance has simultaneously advanced and undercut tort law’s deterrence and corrective justice ever since its invention in the late nineteenth century.2 2.See infra Sections III.B–C; Kenneth S. Abraham, Liability Insurance and Accident Prevention: The Evolution of an Idea, 64 Md. L. Rev. 573, 580 (2005).Show More

My original plan was to write a short essay for torts teachers and students that summarized insights from prior work on the relationship between insurance and tort law. But recent, high-profile work by Kenneth Abraham and Catherine Sharkey prompted deeper exploration.3 3.Kenneth S. Abraham & Catherine M. Sharkey, The Glaring Gap in Tort Theory, 133 Yale L.J. 2165 (2024).Show More In their 2024 Yale Law Journal article, Abraham and Sharkey argue that there is a “glaring gap in tort theory” that results from the failure of tort theorists to adequately address the dominant role of liability insurance in tort law and practice.4 4.Id. at 2169.Show More They report that some courts are ahead of these tort theorists in that regard, already taking liability insurance into account when making tort doctrine.5 5.Id. at 2191.Show More They applaud that practice and suggest that courts should do so more often, more explicitly, and on a more informed basis.6 6.Id. at 2242.Show More

Their analysis prompted me to examine what philosophically oriented tort theorists have said about liability insurance. I found that, contrary to what a casual reader of Abraham and Sharkey’s article might conclude, tort theorists operating within the framework of moral philosophy have in fact considered liability insurance.7 7.See, e.g., Jules L. Coleman, On the Moral Argument for the Fault System, 71 J. Phil. 473, 487 (1974) [hereinafter Coleman, On the Moral Argument]; Jules L. Coleman, Justice and the Argument for No-Fault, 3 Soc. Theory & Prac. 161, 164–65 (1974) [hereinafter Coleman, Justice and the Argument].Show More But, having done so, they decided that liability insurance considerations lie normatively outside the theories of tort law that they are developing.8 8.See, e.g., Jules L. Coleman, Risks and Wrongs 198 (1992); John C.P. Goldberg, Unloved: Tort in the Modern Legal Academy, 55 Vand. L. Rev. 1501, 1519 (2002); Gregory C. Keating, Reasonableness and Risk: Right and Responsibility in the Law of Torts 290 (2022) (“[N]othing in negligence liability forbids injurers from insuring against potential liability, but nothing in negligence liability requires it either.”). For a notable exception, see Tony Honoré, The Morality of Tort Law—Questions and Answers, in Philosophical Foundations of Tort Law 73, 85–90 (David G. Owen ed., 1995).Show More Abraham and Sharkey disagree with that decision, but they support their disagreement with arguments that are unlikely to be persuasive to these theorists.9 9.Abraham & Sharkey, supra note 3, at 2231–33 (suggesting that deontic theories should accommodate “instrumental and policy-based considerations” implicated by the presence or absence of liability insurance).Show More

My encounter with the work of these theorists, as well as with tort law practitioners, persuades me that there is value in trying to work out tort law right and wrong on some basis other than the inevitably incomplete social welfare analysis offered by standard law-and-economics accounts. If the scholars doing that work have concluded that liability insurance lies outside their project, the burden is on me to persuade them to reconsider. That requires using arguments that they could find persuasive.

This Article takes on that challenge while answering the original motivating question. As such, the Article makes both descriptive and normative contributions. The descriptive contributions are: summarizing what prior work teaches about the impact of liability insurance on tort cases (such as which cases are brought, who defends them, and who pays for them), extending Abraham and Sharkey’s claim that liability insurance affects the development of tort doctrine, and describing for the first time in one place how liability insurance relates to a set of potential foundations, justifications, functions, or objectives for tort law (compensation, deterrence, corrective justice, and retribution).

The normative contributions build on the descriptive, starting with the observation that the (un)availability of liability insurance strongly affects the nature of justice available within the domain of tort law. As the title of Stephen Perry’s classic article reminds us, tort theory should address “The Moral Foundations of Tort Law.”10 10.Stephen R. Perry, The Moral Foundations of Tort Law, 77 Iowa L. Rev. 449 (1992) [hereinafter Perry, Moral Foundations].Show More I argue that this requires attending not only to the presence or absence of adequate justifications for tort liability, but also to the distribution of the right to the redress that tort liability provides. That requires considering who has liability insurance for what wrongs and whether what we find satisfies the minimal demands of whatever moral theory of tort law we find persuasive, whether that be corrective justice, civil recourse, utilitarianism, some mix of the foregoing, or something else.

Traditionally, tort theorists operating within the framework of moral philosophy have resisted being drawn into questions of distribution.11 11.See, e.g., Ernest J. Weinrib, Toward a Moral Theory of Negligence Law, 2 Law & Phil. 37, 38 (1983) (describing tort law as embodying corrective justice as opposed to distributive justice); Jules L. Coleman, The Mixed Conception of Corrective Justice, 77 Iowa L. Rev. 427, 433 (1992) (arguing that the moral principle of corrective justice cannot be satisfied by a distributive scheme of liability).Show More As they explain, generalized, community-wide distributive justice considerations cannot provide a compelling justification for providing compensation to tort victims rather than people injured in other ways.12 12.See, e.g., Ernest J. Weinrib, Corrective Justice in a Nutshell, 52 U. Toro. L.J. 349, 351–52 (2002); Coleman, supra note 11, at 435.Show More I agree, but the distribution of the right to corrective justice or civil recourse is different. As Stephen Perry first articulated, there is a local question of distribution that informs corrective justice.13 13.Perry, Moral Foundations, supra note 10, at 461; see also Stephen R. Perry, On the Relationship Between Corrective and Distributive Justice, in 4 Oxford Essays in Jurisprudence 237, 237 (Jeremy Horder ed., 2000) (clarifying that while there is a normative connection between distributive justice and corrective justice, the two have different purposes and are conceptually independent).Show More Who among all the people with a causal relationship to an injury should bear the loss associated with that injury?14 14.Perry, Moral Foundations, supra note 10, at 461.Show More That local question differs from questions of general distribution because there are agent-specific reasons to include someone in the local consideration set and agent-specific reasons for deciding who among that set should bear the loss.15 15.Id.Show More

In later work, the legal philosopher John Gardner expanded Perry’s concept of local distribution to a more general “distribution of correction.” As Gardner explained, when courts or legislatures create tort law rules that give victims of some morally wrongful acts, but not others, a legal right to recourse from their wrongdoers, they are distributing the legal right to correction.16 16.John Gardner, Torts and Other Wrongs 83–86 (2019).Show More I argue that tort theorists should attend not only to the gaps between moral and legal rights to correction, but also to the gaps between legal rights to correction and their actualization.

When tortfeasors do not have liability insurance, victims bear wrongful losses on their own, unless they are lucky enough to find that the wrongdoers have substantial assets. For everyone else facing an uninsured defendant, tort law provides only a pretense of the right to corrective justice. While there may not be a compelling basis in generalized, community-wide distributive justice for providing compensation to these victims rather than others, there is a compelling basis in corrective justice, which supplies the agent-specific obligations of the tortfeasors who could be made to pay—if they had the liability insurance that the present structure of the liability insurance market does not provide them.17 17.See infra Part IV.Show More

Retributive justice provides yet another reason for tort theorists to reexamine their decision to set liability insurance considerations aside. As Jules Coleman explained at the dawn of corrective justice theory, retributive justice does not provide an adequate moral foundation for tort law.18 18.See Coleman, On the Moral Argument, supra note 7, at 481–82; Coleman, Justice and the Argument, supra note 7, at 174–75.Show More But that does not mean (and he never contended) that retribution has no place in tort law or theory.19 19.Coleman, Justice and the Argument, supra note 7, at 177–78; see also Scott Hershovitz, Treating Wrongs as Wrongs: An Expressive Argument for Tort Law, 10 J. Tort L. 405, 408 (2017) (arguing that tort liability expresses the judgment that the defendant has wronged the plaintiff); David G. Owen, Deterrence and Desert in Tort: A Comment, 73 Calif. L. Rev. 665, 666 (1985) (describing punishment and compensation as the two broad functions of tort law).Show More Indeed, Tony Honoré has suggested that considerations of retributive justice should “temper[]” the corrective justice that tort law provides.20 20.Honoré, supra note 8, at 90.Show More Moreover, as any successful plaintiff lawyer can attest, retribution is alive and well in civil justice, as demonstrated by the extent to which plaintiff lawyers work to arouse jurors’ feelings of outrage and condemnation.21 21.Tom Baker, Transforming Punishment into Compensation: In the Shadow of Punitive Damages, 1998 Wis. L. Rev. 211, 226–28 [hereinafter Baker, Transforming Punishment]; cf. Kenneth S. Abraham, Shadow Tort Law: Lessons from the Reptile, 122 Colum. L. Rev. F. 110, 114–15 (2022) (describing plaintiff lawyers’ efforts to appeal to jurors’ instincts to protect themselves and their communities from wrongdoing).Show More

Where corrective justice provides reasons to attend to the gaps created by the absence of liability insurance (and reasons to encourage its presence), retributive justice provides reasons to attend to the presence of liability insurance. These latter reasons cut in two directions. On the one hand, the presence of liability insurance may ameliorate concerns about disproportionate liability—because an insurer, not the less-than-fully culpable defendant, will pay the damages.22 22.Honoré, supra note 8, at 90.Show More On the other hand, the presence of liability insurance may raise retributive justice concerns when that insurance insulates culpable, solvent defendants from financial consequences for serious wrongs.23 23.See infra Section III.D.Show More

* * *

The Article proceeds as follows. Part I addresses the impact of liability insurance on tort law in action. Part II addresses the impact of liability insurance on tort doctrine. Part III addresses the relationship of liability insurance to the compensation, deterrence, corrective justice, and retributive justice provided by tort law.

Part IV takes a more explicitly normative turn, making the case for tort theorists to incorporate insurance considerations into their normative analysis. In that regard, I argue that tort theory should acknowledge the role that liability insurance can play in promoting corrective justice and civil recourse, and it should attend to features of liability insurance law and practice that limit the distribution of corrective justice and civil recourse. With regard to retribution, I argue that private law theorists should recognize the role that liability insurance practice has played in suppressing the retributive aspects of tort law, making contemporary tort law more about deterrence and corrective justice than the desire for vengeance out of which tort law arguably emerged.24 24.See David J. Seipp, The Distinction Between Crime and Tort in the Early Common Law, 76 B.U. L. Rev. 59, 59–60 (1996); Mark A. Geistfeld, Hidden in Plain Sight: The Normative Source of Modern Tort Law, 91 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1517, 1522–23, 1529 (2016) (arguing that Holmes overstated the retributive origins of tort law); cf. Scott Hershovitz, Tort as a Substitute for Revenge, in Philosophical Foundations of the Law of Torts 86, 98 (John Oberdiek ed., 2014) (arguing for understanding revenge in corrective justice terms).Show More

Part V turns to Abraham and Sharkey’s central normative claim: that courts should take liability insurance into account when making tort doctrine. I first provide reasons within the domain of moral philosophy to support that claim in certain cases. For example, where there are historical gaps in tort liability that raise significant questions about the existing distribution of correction, the presence of a robust market for insurance that would cover liability for wrongs in those gaps could be relevant to a court deciding whether the time had come to fill or narrow those gaps. Liability insurance promotes corrective justice by providing an institutional structure that allows victims to recover from wrongdoers and, thus, all other things being equal, courts do more to promote corrective justice when they channel tort doctrine toward liability insurance. Thus, the existence of relevant liability insurance should provide a thumb on the scale in favor of narrowing the gap between moral and legal conceptions of corrective justice.

I part ways with Abraham and Sharkey in circumstances in which (a) there is not an existing liability insurance market that would cover the kind of liability in question or (b) the defendants (or other interested parties) contend that changing tort doctrine would destabilize an existing liability insurance market. I provide conceptual and empirical reasons to support my view that courts and other lawmakers should not make liability decisions that are based on predictions about what kinds of liabilities are capable of being insured as a technical or actuarial matter. Such decisions are unlikely to support the goals of tort law explored earlier, and courts lack the institutional competence to make reliable predictions about the effect of their decisions on the liability insurance market. Insurance is “an uncertain business” in which insurers regularly insure uncertain risk.25 25.Richard V. Ericson & Aaron Doyle, Uncertain Business: Risk, Insurance, and the Limits of Knowledge 5, 16 (2004); Tom Baker, Uncertainty > Risk: Lessons for Legal Thought from the Insurance Runoff Market, 62 B.C. L. Rev. 59, 65 (2021).Show More If insurers cannot reliably predict what can and cannot in the long run be insured, there is little reason to believe that courts will do any better. To this extent I disagree with Abraham and Sharkey and with judicial decisions such as those that cut back on strict products liability on the grounds that it would be impossible to insure against an uncertain risk.26 26.See, e.g., Anderson v. Owens-Corning Fiberglas Corp., 810 P.2d 549, 559 (Cal. 1991) (providing an insurance market justification for requiring trial courts to instruct the jury on the “state of the art” defense).Show More

* * *

Before proceeding, I should mention an understanding about the history of tort law that many legal historians and legal scholars have so internalized that we sometimes forget to express.27 27.Thank you to Sandra Mayson for prompting me to make this point explicit.Show More It is only a slight exaggeration to say that tort law as we know it has never existed in the United States without insurance. John Witt’s The Accidental Republic and Kenneth Abraham’s The Liability Century stand out for me as the leading monographs making this case.28 28.Kenneth S. Abraham, The Liability Century: Insurance and Tort Law from the Progressive Era to 9/11, at 172–73 (2008) [hereinafter Abraham, The Liability Century]; see also Kenneth S. Abraham, Free Speech, Breathing Space, and Liability Insurance, 111 Va. L. Rev. 1007, 1015 (2025) (recognizing the unsung role of insurance markets even in providing “financial protection against speech-tort liability,” a topic not addressed in The Liability Century). See generally John Fabian Witt, The Accidental Republic: Crippled Workingmen, Destitute Widows, and the Remaking of American Law (2004).Show More As their work shows, there never was a stable set of tort law doctrines and causes of action upon which insurance institutions subsequently acted. Rather, modern tort law and liability insurance emerged and evolved together.

Despite that history, all leading tort theory proceeds as if there were a primary institution called “tort law” upon which another, secondary institution called “insurance” acts. Although that is decidedly not my perspective, I am writing this Article for four audiences that take this perspective, at least as a starting point: judges making tort doctrine; students taking a tort law class; torts teachers who teach torts from that perspective but want to consider ways to better prepare their students; and philosophically oriented tort theorists. For that reason, my description starts from that perspective as well.

  1.  See infra Section III.A. ↑
  2.  See infra Sections III.B–C; Kenneth S. Abraham, Liability Insurance and Accident Prevention: The Evolution of an Idea, 64 Md. L. Rev. 573, 580 (2005). ↑
  3.  Kenneth S. Abraham & Catherine M. Sharkey, The Glaring Gap in Tort Theory, 133 Yale L.J. 2165 (2024). ↑
  4.  Id. at 2169. ↑
  5.  Id. at 2191. ↑
  6.  Id. at 2242. ↑
  7.  See, e.g., Jules L. Coleman, On the Moral Argument for the Fault System, 71 J. Phil. 473, 487 (1974) [hereinafter Coleman, On the Moral Argument]; Jules L. Coleman, Justice and the Argument for No-Fault, 3 Soc. Theory & Prac. 161, 164–65 (1974) [hereinafter Coleman, Justice and the Argument]. ↑
  8.  See, e.g., Jules L. Coleman, Risks and Wrongs 198 (1992); John C.P. Goldberg, Unloved: Tort in the Modern Legal Academy, 55 Vand. L. Rev. 1501, 1519 (2002); Gregory C. Keating, Reasonableness and Risk: Right and Responsibility in the Law of Torts 290 (2022) (“[N]othing in negligence liability forbids injurers from insuring against potential liability, but nothing in negligence liability requires it either.”). For a notable exception, see Tony Honoré, The Morality of Tort Law—Questions and Answers, in Philosophical Foundations of Tort Law 73, 85–90 (David G. Owen ed., 1995). ↑
  9.  Abraham & Sharkey, supra note 3, at 2231–33 (suggesting that deontic theories should accommodate “instrumental and policy-based considerations” implicated by the presence or absence of liability insurance). ↑
  10.  Stephen R. Perry, The Moral Foundations of Tort Law, 77 Iowa L. Rev. 449 (1992) [hereinafter Perry, Moral Foundations]. ↑
  11.  See, e.g., Ernest J. Weinrib, Toward a Moral Theory of Negligence Law, 2 Law & Phil. 37, 38 (1983) (describing tort law as embodying corrective justice as opposed to distributive justice); Jules L. Coleman, The Mixed Conception of Corrective Justice, 77 Iowa L. Rev. 427, 433 (1992) (arguing that the moral principle of corrective justice cannot be satisfied by a distributive scheme of liability). ↑
  12.  See, e.g., Ernest J. Weinrib, Corrective Justice in a Nutshell, 52 U. Toro. L.J. 349, 351–52 (2002); Coleman, supra note 11, at 435. ↑
  13.  Perry, Moral Foundations, supra note 10, at 461; see also Stephen R. Perry, On the Relationship Between Corrective and Distributive Justice, in 4 Oxford Essays in Jurisprudence 237, 237 (Jeremy Horder ed., 2000) (clarifying that while there is a normative connection between distributive justice and corrective justice, the two have different purposes and are conceptually independent). ↑
  14.  Perry, Moral Foundations, supra note 10, at 461. ↑
  15.  Id. ↑
  16.  John Gardner, Torts and Other Wrongs 83–86 (2019). ↑
  17.  See infra Part IV. ↑
  18.  See Coleman, On the Moral Argument, supra note 7, at 481–82; Coleman, Justice and the Argument, supra note 7, at 174–75. ↑
  19.  Coleman, Justice and the Argument, supra note 7, at 177–78; see also Scott Hershovitz, Treating Wrongs as Wrongs: An Expressive Argument for Tort Law, 10 J. Tort L. 405, 408 (2017) (arguing that tort liability expresses the judgment that the defendant has wronged the plaintiff); David G. Owen, Deterrence and Desert in Tort: A Comment, 73 Calif. L. Rev. 665, 666 (1985) (describing punishment and compensation as the two broad functions of tort law). ↑
  20.  Honoré, supra note 8, at 90. ↑
  21.  Tom Baker, Transforming Punishment into Compensation: In the Shadow of Punitive Damages, 1998 Wis. L. Rev. 211, 226–28 [hereinafter Baker, Transforming Punishment]; cf. Kenneth S. Abraham, Shadow Tort Law: Lessons from the Reptile, 122 Colum. L. Rev. F. 110, 114–15 (2022) (describing plaintiff lawyers’ efforts to appeal to jurors’ instincts to protect themselves and their communities from wrongdoing). ↑
  22.  Honoré, supra note 8, at 90. ↑
  23.  See infra Section III.D. ↑
  24.  See David J. Seipp, The Distinction Between Crime and Tort in the Early Common Law, 76 B.U. L. Rev. 59, 59–60 (1996); Mark A. Geistfeld, Hidden in Plain Sight: The Normative Source of Modern Tort Law, 91 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1517, 1522–23, 1529 (2016) (arguing that Holmes overstated the retributive origins of tort law); cf. Scott Hershovitz, Tort as a Substitute for Revenge, in Philosophical Foundations of the Law of Torts 86, 98 (John Oberdiek ed., 2014) (arguing for understanding revenge in corrective justice terms). ↑
  25.  Richard V. Ericson & Aaron Doyle, Uncertain Business: Risk, Insurance, and the Limits of Knowledge 5, 16 (2004); Tom Baker, Uncertainty > Risk: Lessons for Legal Thought from the Insurance Runoff Market, 62 B.C. L. Rev. 59, 65 (2021). ↑
  26.  See, e.g., Anderson v. Owens-Corning Fiberglas Corp., 810 P.2d 549, 559 (Cal. 1991) (providing an insurance market justification for requiring trial courts to instruct the jury on the “state of the art” defense). ↑
  27.  Thank you to Sandra Mayson for prompting me to make this point explicit. ↑
  28.  Kenneth S. Abraham, The Liability Century: Insurance and Tort Law from the Progressive Era to 9/11, at 172–73 (2008) [hereinafter Abraham, The Liability Century]; see also Kenneth S. Abraham, Free Speech, Breathing Space, and Liability Insurance, 111 Va. L. Rev. 1007, 1015 (2025) (recognizing the unsung role of insurance markets even in providing “financial protection against speech-tort liability,” a topic not addressed in The Liability Century). See generally John Fabian Witt, The Accidental Republic: Crippled Workingmen, Destitute Widows, and the Remaking of American Law (2004). ↑