Walking Out the Schoolhouse Gates

In the wake of the Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School shooting in Parkland, Florida, tens of thousands of students from across the United States walked out of their classrooms in protest. One such walkout, known as #NationalSchoolWalkout (“#NSW”), rallied students from over 2,500 schools to join in a seventeen-minute demonstration on April 20, 2018.[1] The date marked the nineteenth anniversary of the Columbine High School Massacre.[2] The seventeen minutes represented each of the seventeen victims of the shooting.[3] And the walkout itself symbolized a demand for gun reform legislation.[4] The student who launched the #NSW movement also developed a website that provided a “walkout planning guide.”[5] The planning guide advised student leaders and organizers on how to work with school administrators, plan an agenda, and promote the event.[6] There was, however, no equivalent “walkout response guide” for school administrations contending with student participation in the #NSW. In fact, the reactions of various school district authorities to the planned student protests proved as diverse as their geographic locations. 

For instance, Baltimore County Public Schools viewed the walkouts as a “constructive way for students to exercise their First Amendment rights.”[7] In that vein, Baltimore County Public Schools allowed their students to take part in the walkouts and assured students they would not be punished for peaceful participation.[8] Meanwhile, the superintendent of Texas’s Needville Independent School District took the opposite approach, using a school Facebook account to threaten students with a three-day suspension for joining a walkout.[9] At Greenbriar High School in Arkansas, three students who took part in a walkout faced corporal punishment—each student received swats with a paddle for their walkout participation.[10] Kansas’s Shawnee Mission School District allowed students to participate in the #NSW but refused to sponsor the event.[11] Despite an effort to embrace the middle ground, the Kansas school district still found itself embroiled in a lawsuit when a middle school tried to censor students’ speech mid-walkout.[12]

Even though the local school districts in Maryland, Texas, Arkansas, and Kansas all reacted to the student walkout differently, the scope and nature of students’ free speech rights took center stage nationwide. Interestingly, however, little ink has been spilled on the free speech rights of students in the context of the student walkout. Yet walkouts are neither a new means of student political expression nor a new problem for school districts.[13] In fact, the underlying student activism involved in a walkout parallels the very student expression that the landmark decision of Tinker v. Des Moines sought to protect. Conversely, thousands of students walking out of class is the kind of disruption, disorder, and distraction that school administrators are supposed to guard against. This tension places school administrators in the precarious position of needing to strike the right constitutional balance between respecting students’ First Amendment rights, on the one hand, and preserving order in the school setting on the other. The range of local administrative attempts to strike this balance in the context of national school walkouts, particularly the #NSW protests, demonstrates the need for scholarship on the topic. This Essay, in response, contributes to the under-explored topic of student free speech rights in connection to student walkouts in three ways. First, this Essay lays out a framework for analyzing student free speech rights during permitted and unpermitted walkouts under the Supreme Court’s current school speech jurisprudence. Second, it identifies the problems the current framework creates for both students and administrators. And third, it proposes a judicial solution.

Part I of this Essay briefly describes the Court’s decision in Tinker and examines the protections afforded to students participating in prohibited walkouts. In addition, this Part submits that school restrictions and the subsequent punishment of students engaged in unpermitted walkouts are likely constitutional. Part II addresses student free speech rights when the school permits student participation in the walkout. Part II posits that student expression during a permitted walkout will receive constitutional protection, but the scope of that protection will depend on whether the speech falls under Tinker or Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier. Since student free speech rights vary depending on whether Tinker or Hazelwood applies, Part III discusses the forum analysis and imprimatur determination used to decide whether a student walkout falls under Tinker or Hazelwood. Part IV asserts that the current framework offers inadequate guidance for administrators and too little protection for student political speech. Specifically, this Part identifies the practical, administrative, and constitutional issues involved in Hazelwood’s application to student political speech in the walkout context. Ultimately, this Essay argues that both unpermitted and permitted walkouts should fall under the exclusive purview of Tinker. Part V offers concluding remarks.

I.  Free Speech Rights of Students in the Unpermitted Walkout Context

In 1965, high school students in Des Moines, Iowa, wore black armbands to express their opposition to the Vietnam War.[14] In a matter of days, the high school adopted a policy that suspended any student for refusing to remove the armband.[15] In Tinker, the Supreme Court held that the school policy violated the students’ First Amendment rights and famously stated that neither students nor teachers “shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate.”[16] To suppress student speech after Tinker, a school must show that “its action was caused by something more than a mere desire to avoid the discomfort and unpleasantness that always accompany an unpopular viewpoint.”[17] In other words, Tinker generally requires a school to tolerate student expression, even on “controversial subjects.”[18] Yet that toleration is not without limit. When pure student speech turns into expressive conduct that could cause a “substantial disruption of or material interference with school activities,” then the student speech loses its constitutional protection.[19]  

Pure speech and expressive conduct are naturally implicated in the walkout context. The very act of leaving the classroom to protest is expressive conduct.[20] Additionally, the chants, signs, and speeches that accompany the physical walkout qualify as pure speech. In the handful of decisions applying Tinker to unpermitted student walkouts, the courts’ First Amendment analysis generally describes student walkout activity as either pure speech or expressive conduct.[21] That said, when a school administration has not signed off on a walkout, the “forecast of a reasonable likelihood of substantial disruption” posed by an unpermitted walkout allows the school to restrict and punish the expressive walkout conduct.[22] By contrast, even when a walkout is unpermitted, the school cannot punish the pure speech components of a walkout unless the speech violates a school regulation or policy.[23] Put simply, the government has a “freer hand in restricting expressive conduct than it has in restricting the written or spoken word.”[24]

This differentiation between expressive conduct and pure speech arises from courts’ longstanding recognition of the government’s substantial interest in maintaining academic order and discipline.[25] It follows that school officials possess the “inherent authority to prescribe and control conduct in the schools.”[26] For instance, in Dodd v. Rambis, student distribution of leaflets advertising a walkout qualified as expressive conduct, but the court upheld the subsequent student discipline as constitutional because the promoted walkout would have substantially disrupted and materially interfered with school activities.[27]

Conversely, when the walkout activity constitutes an instance of “pure speech rather than conduct,” school officials may curtail or restrict the activity if they can “reasonably forecast . . . substantial disruption.”[28] Yet, absent a school regulation or policy, like the “violation of a statute or school rule,” school officials may not punish students for use of pure speech.[29] For example, in Karp v. Becken, the school was permitted to curtail student speech by confiscating the walkout protest signs a student retrieved from his car. That student nonetheless was constitutionally immune from punishment because the signs qualified as “pure speech” and the school had no explicit policy on suspension of students for signs.[30] In short, a student’s spoken or written speech that accompanies expressive walkout conduct can be restricted if it would lead to “substantial disruption.”[31] But the student can be punished only if the school can provide further justification like a school policy or rule.[32] 

Ultimately, however, the distinction between expressive conduct and pure speech is one without much bite, as schools often possess broad policies that provide a textual basis to punish a student’s pure speech. In Karp, for instance, the student’s punishment would have been upheld if the school had suspended the sign-wielding student for going to his car during school hours instead of for the signs themselves.[33] It follows that schools’ broad ability to regulate student conduct will often allow administrators to punish students’ pure speech during a walkout without explicitly saying so. The breadth of school regulations that prohibit truancy, class disturbance, and the like, will provide schools with the required textual justification to punish a student’s pure speech in the context of a walkout. In practice, then, whether speech is categorized as pure speech or expressive conduct carries facial, but ultimately unmeaningful, weight during unpermitted student walkouts as both forms of speech will receive similar levels of protection. That said, students who wish to engage in civic activism through walkouts are not entirely out of luck. This Essay now turns to the increased free speech protections that exist when schools permit, rather than prohibit, student walkouts.

II.  Students’ Free Speech Rights in the Permitted Walkout Context

To restrict a permitted walkout under Tinker, a school’s “reasonable forecast of substantial disruption” must go above and beyond the expressive conduct and pure speech that a walkout naturally entails. Tinker’s central command is that schools must tolerate student expression on controversial, political, and unpopular issues, even if it proves uncomfortable or unpleasant for school authorities.[34] Therefore, when schools permit a walkout, which at a minimum involves promising not to punish students for their participation, administrators implicitly approve the basic expressive conduct and pure speech involved in the demonstration. By permitting the walkout, the school is essentially announcing that neither the walkout itself nor the accompanying pure speech will cause a “substantial disruption with discipline or student safety.”[35]

In M.C. ex rel. Chudley v. Shawnee Mission Unified School District No. 512, for instance, the school district allowed students to participate in the #NSW demonstration.[36] The school made it clear, however, that the walkout was student-led, optional, and not school-sponsored.[37] After disclaiming sponsorship, the school district then attempted to prohibit student discussion of gun-violence, shootings, and gun reform during the demonstration.[38] Shortly thereafter, a certain student who was punished for discussing prohibited topics during her scheduled walkout speech filed suit.[39] The district court applied Tinker to assess the school’s actions in response to the walkout speech.[40] It found that the school could not justify the speech restrictions based solely on its desire to avoid controversy.[41] Since there was no additional indication that the permitted walkout would threaten student safety, the school also could not justify the content restrictions on speech through any reasonable forecast of substantial disruption.[42] Simply put, if a school permits a walkout, but does not sponsor the walkout, then Tinker applies and the underlying expressive conduct and pure speech of the walkout will receive constitutional protection unless the school presents a legitimate justification beyond a desire to avoid controversy.[43] But that invites the question, what are students’ free speech rights when the school both permits and sponsors the student walkout?

In Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier, the Supreme Court explained that when speech is “school-sponsored,” or when a school affirmatively promotes student speech, then the school has more leeway to restrict the speech without offending the First Amendment.[44] There, the Court considered school censorship of two controversial student newspaper articles, one about teen pregnancy and the other about divorce.[45] The Court held that if the student speech concerned the “educators’ authority over . . . expressive activities that students, parents, and members of the public might reasonably perceive to bear the imprimatur of the school,” then the speech was considered sponsored by the school.[46] It followed that school administrators “[did] not offend the First Amendment” by restricting the speech as long as the restrictions were “reasonably related to legitimate pedagogical concerns.”[47]

The Hazelwood standard, by and large, is extremely deferential to school curtailment of student expression, be it speech or conduct, once the court deems the student expression to bear the imprimatur of the school.[48] Accordingly, restrictions on speech during a school-sponsored event that are motivated by a “desire to avoid controversy within the school environment” are constitutional under the Hazelwood standard.[49] For that reason, when a school permits a student walkout, “sit-in,” or a different “on-property alternative,”[50] and the demonstration is found to be school-sponsored, the school can both curtail students’ conduct and restrict controversial, political speech during the permitted activity.[51] 

In summary, when a school allows students to participate in a walkout, the scope of student free speech rights will depend on whether the walkout falls under Tinker or Hazelwood. When the school does not sponsor the student activity, Tinker applies. Students, therefore, cannot be punished for engaging in the walkout itself or for the accompanying pure speech, no matter how political or controversial, absent further justifications. By contrast, when the student activity is school-sponsored and Hazelwood applies, a school will be able to restrict student political speech and curtail the expressive conduct, even if the only justification is to avoid controversy. This means that a student’s free speech rights will hinge on whether the student activity is categorized as school-sponsored—signifying that it is perceived to bear the imprimatur of the school.  

III.  The Hazelwood, “School-Sponsored” Calculation

To determine whether a student walkout falls under Hazelwood, courts first consider whether the student speech bears the imprimatur of the school, and second, whether the student speech occurred in a school-sponsored, non-public forum.[52] Broadly speaking, student speech satisfies Hazelwood’s imprimatur requirement when the speech is “so closely connected to the school that it appears the school is somehow sponsoring the speech.”[53] In the context of a student walkout, the imprimatur determination will largely turn on the degree of school involvement in walkout planning and supervision.[54] For instance, in Fleming v. Jefferson County School District R-1, a school’s tile painting and installation project bore the “imprimatur of the school” because school administrators initiated the endeavor, organized the event, paid for the tiles, directed the painting, and even developed guidelines for tile content and screening.[55] Likewise, in Corder v. Lewis Palmer School District No. 38, a graduation ceremony carried the school’s imprimatur because school officials planned the event, chose its speakers, and reviewed the speeches.[56] These examples make it apparent that for a walkout to bear the imprimatur of the school, administrative involvement must go beyond cursory supervision of the walkout. Instead, school officials must play a significant role in the walkout itself.

In addition to school administrative involvement, the walkout imprimatur determination will also depend on the public’s awareness of a student-led walkout at the national, state, or local level. For example, in M.C. ex rel. Chudley v. Shawnee Mission Unified School District No. 512, the walkout fell under Tinker, as opposed to Hazelwood, because no student, parent, or member of the public would think the “nationally organized, student-led” #NSW demonstration “bore the imprimatur of the school.”[57] Practically speaking, then, if a walkout is coordinated by students at a national level and involves an issue of widespread controversy, members of the public are less likely to believe the walkout was sponsored by the school. In contrast, if a school walkout movement is relatively unknown to the public and planned by students at the local level, members of the community are more likely to believe it is a school-sponsored activity. Thus, the Hazelwood “imprimatur” calculation hinges on whether a school is significantly involved in the organization of the walkout and whether the general public is aware that the walkout is “student-led” as opposed to “school-sponsored.”

As for the second prong—the public forum analysis—a court will consider whether a school has designated a public forum. One might assume that the “public” forum question would answer itself in the context of a “public” school walkout. Public schools, however, are distinguished from places like streets, parks, and other traditional public forums whose primary purposes are “assembly, communicating . . . and discussing public questions.”[58] In these traditional public forums, the government’s ability to restrict speech is sharply curtailed.[59] But since “public schools do not possess all of the attributes of . . . traditional public forums,” the government may impose reasonable content restrictions on the speech of “students, teachers, and other members of the school community.”[60] By default, therefore, public schools are not categorized as public forums in the context of school-sponsored activities. Yet, if public school authorities “by their policy or practice” intentionally open school facilities to “indiscriminate use by the general public” then the school designates a public forum.[61] Once a school has opened a public forum, the content of the student speech is protected.[62] Thus, the key question in the school walkout forum analysis is whether a public school has transformed itself into a designated public forum by opening its facilities to indiscriminate public use.

Generally, the question of whether a school has designated a public forum turns on a highly fact-specific inquiry that varies by circuit. For the most part, courts will examine a school district’s “polic[ies] and practice[s]” concerning a certain activity, facility, or program when deciding whether a school created a designated public forum.[63] Courts differ, nonetheless, in the weight they accord the public forum category. Some circuits treat the forum analysis as a subset of an ultimate imprimatur determination.[64] Other circuits treat the forum analysis as an alternative to the imprimatur calculation—meaning that the finding of a designated public forum signifies that the activity in question is not school-sponsored.[65] The varying weight conferred on the public forum category can create inconsistent and unpredictable results when it comes to deciding whether Hazelwood applies.[66] All in all, however, the finding that a school did not create a public forum will by and large weigh in favor of the application of Hazelwood.[67] This means that if a student walkout takes place in a nonpublic forum, the school may impose reasonable, content-based restrictions on student speech. By contrast, if a school permits a walkout and opens it up to indiscriminate use by its students, it designates a public forum. And in a designated public forum, the school cannot restrict student speech merely because it wishes to avoid controversy. Other things being equal, the school cannot limit student expression during a permitted walkout unless the restriction serves a compelling state interest—meaning Tinker applies.  

In summation, the Hazelwood standard will apply to a permitted school walkout when two factors are met. First, the “imprimatur” calculation hinges on whether a school is significantly involved in the organization of the walkout and whether the general public is aware that the walkout is “student-led” as opposed to “school-sponsored.” Second, the walkout must occur in a school-centric, nonpublic forum. Admittedly, both prongs turn on fact-specific, interconnected considerations that will vary based on the school district and the particular walkout. For instance, in a #NSW demonstration in Montgomery County, Maryland, the school replaced the walkout with “on-property alternatives” like letter-writing, dialogue sessions, and moments of silence.[68] Because the school supplanted the #NSW with its own activities and did not appear to then open those activities to indiscriminate use by its students, Hazelwood would likely apply. Since Hazelwood applies, the school would be able to restrict student political speech and curtail the expressive conduct in the permitted on-property alternatives, even if the sole justification is to avoid controversy. But on the other hand, if Tinker applies to a student walkout demonstration, the school could not punish the students for engaging in the walkout itself or for the accompanying pure speech, no matter how political or controversial, absent further compelling justifications. Given all this, the Hazelwood, “school-sponsored” calculation is crucial for determining what amount of free speech the student walkout participators will enjoy.

IV. Applying the Walkout Framework to the Free Speech Rights of Students Marching Forward

If the prior exploration of student free speech rights makes anything clear, it is that the Court’s First Amendment jurisprudence, when applied to student walkouts, results in an analysis as potentially complicated and disordered as many of the walkouts themselves. Free speech rights will vary depending on whether the walkout is permitted or unpermitted; whether pure speech or expressive conduct is at issue; and whether a multi-factor, forum-focused analysis places the walkout under Tinker, as opposed to Hazelwood. In summary, if a school does not permit a walkout, neither the walkout conduct nor the pure speech is likely to receive protection under Tinker. At the same time, if a school does permit a walkout, and the administration becomes so involved that it appears to be ‘school-sponsored,’ then the school can restrict the content of student speech. For student speech to receive any protection, the walkout must be permitted and Tinker must apply. Thus, under the current framework student political speech voiced during a walkout receives but a narrow window of protection.

Yet, at the heart of Tinker lies student freedom to engage in political dialogue. Fifty years after that seminal decision, students are walking out of class to protest gun violence and climate change instead of donning black armbands in opposition to the Vietnam War.[69] The mode and subject matter of student political speech, however, are not the only things to have evolved. In the half-century since Tinker, the Supreme Court has chipped away at student speech rights—the primary blow coming from Hazelwood.[70] When that precedent is applied to student walkouts, it allows schools to permit student demonstrations but then restrict the content of student speech. The high level of deference afforded schools under the Hazelwood standard makes it difficult to argue that the content-based restrictions are unrelated to a school’s pedagogical purpose.[71]

Although Hazelwood’s deference to a school may be justified in the context of a school newspaper, a high school graduation, or a school decoration project, it seems less appropriate in the context of a student walkout for multiple reasons. To begin with, several circuits have held that if a student speech activity falls under Hazelwood, a school’s regulation of that speech’s content does not have to be viewpoint neutral.[72] This means when Hazelwood applies, a school may restrict student speech for the sole reason that administrators disagree with that student’s point of view. For instance, if a #NSW demonstration met the Hazelwood standard, administrators could theoretically restrict the speech of a pro-gun student and at the same time allow the speech of an anti-gun student, or vice versa. The First Amendment should not allow administrators to pick and choose which speech will be silenced based on unwelcome viewpoints.

Moreover, the Hazelwood standard puts administrators in a predicament. Well-meaning educators who wish to encourage student civic activism through walkout participation may unintentionally curtail student free speech rights when their enthusiasm causes them to become too involved. Simply put, the more involved a school administration is in a given event, the more likely the appearance of school sponsorship. In addition, the imprimatur and forum analysis used to determine whether the event is school-sponsored often makes it difficult to know when a school is crossing into Hazelwood territory. Consider the #NSW demonstration that occurred in Virginia’s Stafford County Public Schools.[73] In lieu of the planned walkouts, school administrators established safe places within the building allowing students to participate in “sit-ins.”[74] On the one hand, the role of school officials in this instance seemed to go far beyond ‘cursory supervision’—indeed, administrators supplanted the walkout with their own event, the ‘sit-in.’ On the other hand, the #NSW walkouts were coordinated by students at a national level and therefore members of the general public may not perceive the opinions expressed at the ‘sit-in’ to “bear the imprimatur of the school.” Likewise, it is unclear whether administrators intended to designate the sit-in event as a public forum, open to indiscriminate student use, or if they reserved the forum as a school-centric, non-public forum. With the various Hazelwood factors pointing in all directions, the sit-in’s status, and thus administrators’ ability to impose content restrictions on student speech, is ambiguous. For educators contending with a walkout, then, Hazelwood’s murky, inconclusive analysis is of little help in determining the level of school involvement necessary to meet or avoid Hazelwood’s school-sponsored standard.

Finally, as Tinker made clear, students’ personal, political speech is the very speech the First Amendment was intended to protect.[75] Schools, therefore, must perform their function “within the limits of the Bill of Rights.”[76] Part of this function is educating students for citizenship in a pluralistic society.[77] It follows that schools maintain both a constitutional duty to respect student political speech and an academic duty to promote tolerance of diverse political perspectives. Consequently, the potential for Hazelwood’s content-restricting application to the political, highly personal speech of student-initiated walkouts is at odds with both Tinker and a school’s pedagogical purpose. Hazelwood allows school administrators to engage in viewpoint discrimination, provides confusing guidance as to what speech may be silenced, and is inherently at odds with the promises of Tinker and a school’s function in a democratic society.

Hazelwood’s ill fit to the student political speech at issue in walkouts calls for a solution. One possible answer is for courts to eschew the Hazelwood inquiry entirely, deciding that all walkout demonstrations fall exclusively under the purview of Tinker. Fifty years ago, Tinker struck a balance between a school’s need to maintain order and a student’s free speech rights. Fifty years later, that balance is just as salient. Normatively speaking, the sole application of Tinker would adequately protect student political speech while also granting schools enough leeway to preserve discipline. Furthermore, such a solution is judicially feasible under the current school speech jurisprudence.

Under Tinker, schools retain the ability to preserve order by simply saying no to a walkout. As explained above, the underlying conduct, and most often, the pure speech involved in an unpermitted walkout can be both punished and restricted.[78] At the outset, this may seem like an unduly harsh limitation on a student’s ability to engage in political activism. Yet, teachers, administrators, and other students need stability in the school environment to accomplish the primary goal of a school—education. Moreover, the denial of a walkout request does not silence student political speech. Tinker makes it clear that students are free to engage in conversation about political subjects at school—as long as it does not substantially disrupt school activity.[79] Students are also still free to engage in political protest activity outside of school hours. In sum, the need to maintain discipline in the education environment is such an important interest that school ability to forbid a walkout under Tinker is a desirable outcome.

If a school does elect to permit a walkout, the application of Tinker adequately protects student political speech. When the administration permits a walkout, and the walkout falls solely under Tinker, the institution is required to tolerate student free speech—no matter the viewpoint. This is not to say, however, that students’ freedom of speech in such contexts is not without limits. Tinker and its progeny allow a school to shut down certain problematic walkout speech and behavior. Under current precedent, a school does not have to tolerate walkout speech that is lewd, indecent, or obscene.[80] Likewise, a school could shut down speech that promotes drug use.[81] Lower court rulings also make it clear that Tinker does not require a school to permit racially inflammatory speech that administrators reasonably foresee could be substantially disruptive to the school environment.[82] And, of course, if a school reasonably feared that tension over a student walkout would result in violence or a threat to student safety, then the incendiary conduct could be restricted. In short, exclusive application of Tinker to permitted school walkouts gives schools adequate flexibility to ensure student safety and proscribe certain types of speech that would be truly disruptive to the school environment.

Importantly, this approach would also facilitate cooperation between students and administrators. Once students realize that excessive administrative involvement leads to the application of Hazelwood, that knowledge may discourage students from working with administrators to plan a safe, productive walkout. Conversely, keeping walkouts under Tinker’s purview would allow students to feel confident that working with administrators to create a secure walkout environment would not result in restrictions on their political speech.

While normatively desirable, the exclusive application of Tinker to permitted walkouts is also judicially feasible under current school speech jurisprudence. If the precedents following TinkerBethel v. Fraser, Hazelwood, and Morse v. Frederick—are interpreted as merely limited departures from Tinker’s broad protections for student speech, walkouts are unlikely to fall under the purview of post-Tinker case law.[83] Professor Laura McNeal recognizes this, arguing that “[i]n all three cases, the Supreme Court carved out narrow exceptions that permit school authorities to censor student speech, none of which are applicable to the type of speech at issue in . . . school walkouts.”[84] Likewise, Professor Mark Cordes has concluded that the majority and concurring opinions in Morse, “[t]aken together . . . reflect a strong sentiment to protect student speech perceived to be at the heart of the First Amendment.”[85] In short, room exists between the joints of Tinker and its progeny for school walkouts to fall solely under the former’s broad protections.

Briefly stated, Hazelwood’s application to school walkouts creates a multitude of problems. The precedent’s murky analysis is practically inappropriate in the context of student-initiated, and school-permitted, demonstrations. By a similar token, the deference given to administrators to restrict the content, and even the viewpoint, of student walkout speech is constitutionally dubious because political speech is the very speech the First Amendment was intended to protect. The host of issues inherent to Hazelwood’s application to school walkouts calls for a judicial solution: when a school permits a walkout, it should fall exclusively under the purview of Tinker.

V. Concluding Remarks

School administrators are tasked with the difficult job of striking the right balance between respecting students’ First Amendment rights and preserving discipline in the school setting. In the context of a school walkout, the difficulties inherent to this job are exacerbated by the current student free speech rights framework. For unpermitted walkouts, the law under Tinker is clear—student conduct and speech will not receive the protection of the First Amendment. But for permitted walkouts, the scope of permissible student political speech and school regulation of that speech is hazy—it depends on whether a fact-specific imprimatur inquiry and inconsistent forum analysis places the walkout under Tinker, as opposed to Hazelwood. Hazelwood’s application to school walkouts grants student political speech uncertain protection and administrators inadequate guidance on what speech can or cannot be restricted. Going forward, student commitment to civic activism at both the local and national level means that school walkouts will continue to set the pace as the chosen means of student political expression. This reality calls for a clearer standard that both offers greater protection to student political speech and proves more administrable for school educators. As this Essay argues, one solution is the exclusive application of Tinker to both permitted and unpermitted walkouts. Although decided fifty years ago, Tinker still provides the most sensible solution, because its application to walkouts in the present day would: one, make clear that student political speech is protected; two, facilitate cooperation between students and teachers; and three, ensure that schools continue to strike the right balance marching forward into the twenty-first century.

 


[1] Meg Wagner & Brian Reis, Student Walkouts Sweep the US, CNN (Apr. 20, 2018), https://www.cnn.com/us/live-news/national-school-walkout/index.html [https://perma.cc/F­DX5-E7M8]; Vivian Yee & Alan Blinder, National School Walkout: Thousands Protest Against Gun Violence Across the U.S., N.Y. Times (Mar. 14, 2018), https://www.ny­times.com/2018/03/14/us/school-walkout.html [https://perma.cc/5S5X-YDXG].

[2] Id.

[3] See Yee & Blinder, supra note 1.

[4] Sarah Gray, Everything You Need to Know About the April 20 National School Walkout, Time (Apr. 20, 2018), http://time.com/5238216/national-school-walkout-april-20/ [https://­perma.cc/GC3F-QF7N]. It is also important to note that not all of the school walkouts in response to the Parkland shooting advocated for gun control. For example, a walkout called “Stand for the Second” supported gun rights and the Second Amendment. “Stand for the Second” took place on May 2, 2018 and involved schools in forty states. Christal Hayes, ‘We Are for Your Rights’: Students Stage Walkouts Across U.S. to Back Second Amendment, USA Today (May 2, 2018), https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/2018/05/02/students-hold-walkouts-support-second-amendment/573420002/ [https://perma.cc/C9SR-MP5K]; Eric Levenson & David Williams, Pro-gun Students Walk Out of School to ‘Stand for the Second,’ CNN (May 2, 2018), https://www.cnn.com/2018/05/02/us/school-walkout-pro-second-amen­dment/index.html [https://perma.cc/JL92-BSRE].

[5] Lane Murdock, Paul Kim, & Grant Yaun, Walkout Planning Guide, #Nat’l Sch. Walkout https://www.nationalschoolwalkout.net/planning-guide/before-your-event [https://perma.cc/­L2AM-QPMK]. Additionally, the ACLU published a similar guide that sought to educate students on their free speech rights during a walkout or protest. Student’s Rights: Speech, Walkouts, and Other Protests, ACLU, https://www.aclu.org/issues/free-speech/student-spe­ech-and-privacy/stu­dents-rights-speech-walkouts-and-other-protests [https://perma.cc/VD­5M-YZDF] (last visited Nov. 6, 2019).

[6] Murdock et al., supra note 4.

[7] Talia Richman & Erika Butler, Schools in the Baltimore Region Prepare for National Student Walkout; Harford County Opts Out, Balt. Sun (Mar. 8, 2018) https://www.bal­timoresun.com/education/bs-md-school-walkout-plans-20180308-story.html [https://perma.­cc/FY9P-BGH5].

[8] Id.

[9] Tom Steele, Texas School’s Facebook Page Down After Superintendent Threatens to Suspend Students Who Walk Out, Dall. Morning News (Feb. 22, 2018), https://www.dallas­news.com/news/texas/2018/02/21/texas-superintendent-promises-suspend-students-leave-sc­hool-protest [https://perma.cc/4YRS-TR4A].

[10] Josh Hafner, Students Paddled by Public School Staff After Participating in Walkout in Arkansas, USA Today (Mar. 19, 2018), https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation-now/2018/03/19/students-paddled-public-school-staff-after-participating-walkout-arkansas/­439141002/ [https://perma.cc/7NPV-F3U9].

[11] M.C. ex rel. Chudley v. Shawnee Mission Unified Sch. Dist. No. 512, 363 F. Supp. 3d 1182, 1191 (D. Kan. 2019).

[12] See id. at 1192. 

[13] On May 2, 1963, approximately 800 school children in Birmingham, Alabama, walked out of their classrooms to take part in the “Children’s Crusade,” a multi-day, civil rights protest against segregation. Steven Levingston, Children Have Changed America Before, Braving Fire Hoses and Police Dogs for Civil Rights, Wash. Post (Mar. 23, 2018), https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/retropolis/wp/2018/02/20/children-have-changed-a­merica-before-braving-fire-hoses-and-police-dogs-for-civil-rights/?utm_term=.a764ef759e­35 [https://perma.cc/W488-7LHS]. More recently, students walked out to protest the end of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (“DACA”) program. See Anna M. Phillips, Hundreds of Denver Students Walk Out in Protest of DACA’s End, L.A. Times (Sep. 5, 2017), https://www.latimes.com/local/­education/la-essential-education-updates-southern-hundreds-of-denver-students-walk-out-in-1504636607-htmlstory.html [https://perma.cc/JNA6-EAHJ].

[14] Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 504 (1969).

[15] Id.

[16] Id. at 506.

[17] Id. at 509.

[18] Id. at 513.

[19] Id. at 513–14.

[20] See, e.g., Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 404 (1989) (noting that conduct receives the protection of the First Amendment only when “[a]n intent to convey a particularized message was present, and [in the surrounding circumstances] the likelihood was great that the message would be understood by those who viewed it” (quoting Spence v. Washington, 418 U.S. 405, 410–11 (1974))).

[21] See, e.g., Corales v. Bennett, 567 F.3d 554, 563 (9th Cir. 2009) (finding that a reasonable jury could conclude that students leaving school to participate in a walkout were engaged in expressive conduct); Karp v. Becken, 477 F.2d 171, 176 (9th. Cir. 1973) (concluding that protest signs associated with a planned walkout “constituted the exercise of pure speech rather than conduct”); Tate v. Bd. of Educ., 453 F.2d 975, 978 (8th Cir. 1972) (accepting the argument that a student walkout from a pep rally was a “symbolic action” constituting speech under the First Amendment); Dodd v. Rambis, 535 F. Supp. 23, 28–29 (S.D. Ind. 1981) (reasoning that student distribution of pamphlets protesting school disciplinary policy and advertising a walkout was action falling under “the protective umbrella of the First Amendment”).

[22] See Karp, 477 F.2d at 176.

[23] Id.

[24] Johnson, 491 U.S. at 406.

[25] Burnside v. Byars, 363 F.2d 744, 748 (5th Cir. 1966). 

[26] Karp, 477 F.2d at 174. 

[27] 535 F. Supp. 23, 29–30 (S.D. Ind. 1981).

[28] Karp, 477 F.2d at 176.

[29] Id.

[30] Id. The court noted that the student, in securing the signs, violated a school regulation that prohibited students from going in the parking lot during school hours. If the school had punished the student for violating this regulation, instead of simply punishing him for possession of the signs, the suspension would have been upheld. Id. at 177.

[31] Id. at 176. 

[32] Id.; see also Morse v. Frederick, 551 U.S. 393, 396–97 (2007) (upholding the suspension of a student who, by unfurling a banner reading “BONG HiTS 4 JESUS,” violated a school policy prohibiting messages promoting illegal drug use); Bethel Sch. Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser, 478 U.S. 675, 686 (1986) (finding that a school disciplinary rule proscribing “obscene” speech gave a student adequate warning that his lewd speech could subject him to school sanctions); Dodd v. Rambis, 535 F. Supp. 23, 30 (S.D. Ind. 1981) (finding that the school’s punishment for the pure speech of the leaflets was justified because of the presence of a school regulation).

[33] 477 F.2d at 177.

[34] Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 506–09 (1969).

[35] M.C. ex rel. Chudley v. Shawnee Mission Unified Sch. Dist. No. 512, 363 F. Supp. 3d 1182, 1201–02 (D. Kan. 2019).

[36] Id. at 1191.

[37] Id. at 1191–92. District spokesperson Shawna Samuel stated that the district “encouraged the students to keep the topic to school safety,” and adopted the prohibitory guidelines because “[a]s a public institution, [the district] cannot take a stand one way or the other on Second Amendment rights.” Id.

[38] Id. at 1192.

[39] Id. at 1191–92.

[40] Id. at 1201.

[41] Id. at 1201–02.

[42] Id.

[43] Id. at 1201.

[44] 484 U.S. 260, 273 (1988).

[45] Id. at 263.

[46] Id. at 271.

[47] Id. at 273.

[48] See id. (stating that “[i]t is only when the decision to censor a school-sponsored publication, theatrical production, or other vehicle of student expression has no valid educational purpose that the First Amendment is so ‘directly and sharply implicate[d],’ as to require judicial intervention to protect students’ constitutional rights” (citation omitted)).

[49] Fleming v. Jefferson Cty. Sch. Dist. R-1, 298 F.3d 918, 925–26 (10th Cir. 2002) (noting that “[m]any cases have applied a Hazelwood analysis to activities outside the traditional classroom where, so long as the imprimatur test is satisfied, the pedagogical test is satisfied simply by the school district’s desire to avoid controversy”). 

[50] Meagan Fitzgerald et al., DC-Area Schools Brace for Student Walkouts over Gun Violence, NBC Wash. (Mar. 13, 2018), https://www.nbcwashington.com/blogs/first-read-dmv/DC-Area-Schools-Brace-for-Student-Walkouts-Over-Gun-Violence-476584613.html [https://perma.cc/2R9W-5NPZ] (describing the approaches of different schools in the Washington, D.C., Virginia, and Maryland area to the #NSW walkouts).

[51] See Fleming, 298 F.3d at 926–27. 

[52] See Hazelwood, 484 U.S at 267, 270–73.

[53] Fleming, 298 F.3d at 925.

[54] M.C. ex rel. Chudley v. Shawnee Mission Unified Sch. Dist. No. 512, 363 F. Supp. 3d 1182, 1200 (D. Kan. 2019).

[55] 298 F.3d at 929–32 (holding that a tile memorial project established by a school district as part of its reconstruction after multiple fatal shootings was school-sponsored speech under Hazelwood and that the school could therefore exercise editorial control over the project).

[56] 566 F.3d 1219, 1229–30 (10th Cir. 2009) (concluding that speeches at a high school graduation ceremony were school-sponsored under Hazelwood and that the school district did not violate a student’s First Amendment free speech rights by exercising editorial control over her speech at that ceremony).

[57] M.C. ex rel. Chudley, 363 F. Supp. 3d at 1200.

[58] Hague v. C.I.O., 307 U.S. 496, 515 (1939).

[59] See Perry Edu. Ass’n v. Perry Local Educators’ Ass’n, 460 U.S. 37, 45 (1983).

[60] Hazelwood Sch. Dist. v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260, 267 (1988).

[61] Id. (citing Perry, 460 U.S. at 47). In the public-school context, “general public” is interpreted as the student body or a segment of the student body, like a school organization. Id.

[62] See Perry, 460 U.S. at 46.

[63] See Hazelwood, 484 U.S. at 267–68 (holding that the school newspaper was a nonpublic forum because the school reserved the paper as a supervised learning experience for school journalism students and did not deviate from the policy that the newspaper was part of the educational curriculum); see also Fleming v. Jefferson Cty. Sch. Dist. R-1, 298 F.3d 918, 929–30 (10th Cir. 2002) (deciding that a school’s affirmative intent to retain editorial control and responsibility over a project did not create a limited public forum); O.T. ex rel. Turton v. Frenchtown Elem. Sch. Dist. Bd. of Educ., 465 F. Supp. 2d 369, 375–78 (D.N.J. 2006) (determining that an afterschool talent show constituted a limited public forum because it was open to the whole community, was not part of the school curriculum, and required participants to rehearse their pieces at home). 

[64] Alan Brownstein, The Nonforum as a First Amendment Category: Bringing Order Out of the Chaos of Free Speech Cases Involving School-Sponsored Activities, 42 U.C. Davis L. Rev. 717, 770 (2009).

[65] Id. 

[66] Id. at 774.

[67] See generally id. at 772 (stating that “[v]irtually all cases involving school-sponsored activities discuss whether a public forum has been created. . . . [I]n the great majority of cases the court ultimately answers this question in the negative”).

[68] Fitzgerald, supra note 49.

[69] The most recent national student walkout took place on September 20, 2019. Tens of thousands of students in the United States took to the streets to attend the Global Climate Strike and advocate for government action in the face of the growing climate crisis. See Sarah Kaplan, Lauren Lumpkin & Brady Dennis, ‘We Will Make Them Hear Us’: Millions of Youths Around the World Strike for Action, Wash. Post (Sept. 20, 2019), https://www.wash­ingtonpost.com/climate-environment/2019/09/20/millions-youth-around-world-are-striking-friday-climate-action/ [https://perma.cc/R42B-4J8Q].

[70] See supra Part II; see also Morse v. Frederick, 551 U.S. 393, 397 (2007) (allowing schools to restrict speech advocating illegal drug use); Bethel Sch. Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser, 478 U.S. 675, 685 (1986) (permitting schools to regulate speech that is vulgar, lewd, or obscene).

[71] See supra notes 48–49 and accompanying text.

[72] Circuits are split over whether Hazelwood requires school restrictions of student, school-sponsored speech to be viewpoint neutral. Compare Fleming v. Jefferson Cty. Sch. Dist. R-1, 298 F.3d 918, 926 (10th Cir. 2002) (concluding that “Hazelwood allows educators to make viewpoint-based decisions about school-sponsored speech”), and C.H. ex rel. Z.H. v. Oliva, 195 F.3d 167, 172–73 (3d Cir. 1999) (deciding that Hazelwood permits educators to impose non-viewpoint neutral restrictions on the content of student speech in school-sponsored activities), with Planned Parenthood of S. Nevada, Inc., v. Clark Cty. Sch. Dist., 941 F.2d 817, 829 (9th Cir. 1991) (incorporating viewpoint neutrality into its analysis of school-sponsored speech), and Searcey v. Harris, 888 F.2d 1314, 1319 n.7 (11th Cir. 1989) (stating that under Hazelwood, school officials may constrain student speech based on the speech’s content but not its viewpoint).

[73] Fitzgerald, supra note 49.

[74] Id.

[75] See Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 511–13 (1969).

[76] W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 637 (1943) (“The Fourteenth Amendment, as now applied to the States, protects the citizen against the State itself and all of its creatures—Boards of Education not excepted. . . . That they are educating the young for citizenship is reason for scrupulous protection of Constitutional freedoms of the individual, if we are not to strangle the free mind at its source and teach youth to discount important principles of our government as mere platitudes.”). 

[77] See id. 

[78] See supra Part I.

[79] Id.

[80] Bethel Sch. Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser, 478 U.S. 675, 685 (1986).

[81] Morse v. Frederick, 551 U.S. 393, 397 (2007).

[82] See Hardwick ex rel. Hardwick v. Heyward, 711 F.3d 426, 440 (4th Cir. 2013) (“[M]ultiple incidents of racial tension in Latta schools and the potential for such vastly different views among students about the meaning of the Confederate flag provide a sufficient basis to justify the school officials’ conclusion that the Confederate flag shirts would cause a substantial disruption.”); Scott v. Sch. Bd. of Alachua Cty., 324 F.3d 1246, 1249 (11th Cir. 2003) (finding a school ban on the display of Confederate symbols was not unconstitutional); see also Nuxoll ex rel. Nuxoll v. Indian Prairie Sch. Dist. # 204, 523 F.3d 668, 670, 674 (7th Cir. 2008) (deciding that a school rule forbidding derogatory comments, oral or written, that referred to race, ethnicity, religion, gender, sexual orientation, or disability satisfied Tinker’s substantial disruption standard).

[83] See supra note 69.   

[84] See Laura Rene McNeal, Hush Don’t Say a Word: Safeguarding Students’ Freedom of Expression in the Trump Era, 35 Ga. St. U. L. Rev. 251, 290 (2019). In her article, Professor McNeal argues that the current ambiguous state of student political speech rights should be addressed through a legislative, rather than judicial, solution. To this end, she asserts that state legislatures should amend “existing anti-Hazelwood statues to explicitly include protections for student social protests.” Id. at 252.

[85] Mark W. Cordes, Making Sense of High School Speech After Morse v. Frederick, 17 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 657, 713 (2009).

Fill in the Blank: Compelling Student Speech on Religion

Introduction

As part of her public high school’s required social studies curriculum, Caleigh Wood’s teacher presented her with a fill-in-the-blank assignment concerning a lesson the teacher gave that day on Islam.[1] The worksheet summarized the growth and expansion of Islam, discussed its beliefs and practices, and compared it to Judaism and Christianity.[2] Wood had “to complete certain information comprising the ‘Five Pillars’ of Islam,” including filling in portions of the shahada, a declaration of faith and a core belief of Islam.[3] On the worksheet, the statement read in full: “There is no god but Allah and Muhammad is the messenger of Allah.”[4]

Wood asserted that the assignment “promot[ed] Islam,” while her father instructed her that she was not required to “do anything that violated [her] Christian beliefs.”[5] Wood sued, alleging the assignment violated the Establishment Clause by “impermissibly endors[ing] and advanc[ing] the Islamic religion.”[6] Wood also alleged that completing the assignment would “depriv[e] [her] of her right to be free from government compelled speech.”[7]

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit disagreed with Wood. It affirmed the U.S. District Court for the District of Maryland’s summary judgment award in favor of the school officials, holding that “the challenged coursework materials . . . did not violate Wood’s First Amendment rights, because they did not impermissibly endorse any religion and did not compel Wood to profess any belief.”[8] The Fourth Circuit distinguished between reciting the shahada, which it suggested would constitute a devotional practice related to Islam, and filling in a worksheet.[9] Instead, Wood’s teacher asked Wood “to write only two words of the shahada as an academic exercise.”[10] The curriculum did not, contrary to Wood’s claim, compel her “to confess by written word and deed her faith in Allah.”[11]

While the Fourth Circuit reasoned that public school students do not “shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate”[12] under Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District, First Amendment rights in school are “applied in light of the special characteristics of the school environment.”[13] This is because “the educational process itself may sometimes require a state actor to force a student to speak when the student would rather refrain.”[14] So, for instance, a school cannot force a student to profess beliefs with which she disagrees, but it may require a student to make arguments supporting those beliefs as part of her studies.[15] In making this point, it is evident that the Fourth Circuit relied on West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette, the seminal case concerning compelled speech in the school setting.[16]

In light of these principles, the Fourth Circuit in Wood v. Arnold cited C.N. v. Ridgewood Board of Education for the proposition that a student’s right against compelled speech “has limited application in a classroom setting.”[17] The Third Circuit in Ridgewood invoked the Supreme Court’s decisions in both Hazelwood School District v. Kuhlmeier and Barnette when considering the compelled speech claim (though, notably, the Fourth Circuit did not explicitly cite the Barnette standard).[18] Under Hazelwood, schools may restrict speech “so long as their actions are reasonably related to legitimate pedagogical concerns”[19] and completing assignments does not require a student to adhere to the conveyed messages.[20] However, Hazelwood is silent on schools’ ability to compel speech.

Though the Fourth Circuit rejected Wood’s free speech claim, neither the Fourth Circuit in Wood nor the Third Circuit in Ridgewood attempted to clarify “[h]ow far a school may go in compelling speech for what it views as legitimate pedagogical purposes.”[21] The Supreme Court has yet to answer that question or grant certiorari to cases seeking an answer.[22] Wood itself was denied certiorari by the Court.[23] As litigants continue to turn to the Free Speech Clause to handle religious speech claims,[24] courts struggle with what standard to use for compelled speech claims involving religious curricula.[25] And, if they opt to use Hazelwood, they may struggle with how to apply it.

This Essay argues that courts should employ the Hazelwood standard, initially created for school restrictions on student speech, for compelled speech claims in the classroom, as opposed to the Barnette standard. Though Barnette is considered the seminal case on compelled speech in schools, the Hazelwood standard better reflects the nuances of the classroom, especially when it comes to religious curricula.

Part I of this Essay explains how courts apply the Free Speech Clause to the public school setting under Tinker, Hazelwood, and Barnette. Part I.A will show that Hazelwood, rather than Tinker, applies in the classroom setting and will explain the Hazelwood standard. Part I.B will detail how different circuit courts emphasize either Hazelwood or Barnette to assess claims of compelled student speech in the classroom and the consequential lack of clarity over which standard to use. In light of the Court’s reasoning in Barnette and Hazelwood and circuit case law, the Hazelwood standard is the proper framework for evaluation of compelled speech in the classroom, but Barnette remains informative to the inquiry.

Part II proposes how the Hazelwood standard should be applied and the extent to which it permits a school to compel student speech in the academic setting. First, under the “reasonably related” prong of Hazelwood, which governs the mechanism by which a teacher may instruct on a topic, the exercise must be part of a mandatory education effort rather than compelled recitation. Second, when assessing the school’s “legitimate pedagogical goals,” academic rather than inculcative goals must be the controlling reason for schools to introduce religion into the required curriculum. While the Court is highly deferential to teachers regarding curricula, it is the academic purpose that generates that deference. However, in this second step of the analysis, Barnette should be considered, as a teacher may not instruct as to compel a belief.

I. The Application of the Free Speech Clause to the Public School Setting

Generally, a school district’s actions to restrict or regulate speech implicate the First Amendment.[26] Three major principles govern a student’s right to free expression. First, under Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District, if independent student speech will substantially disrupt school activities or interfere with the rights of other students, the school may regulate it.[27] Second, schools can restrict student speech in an instructional setting under Hazelwood if reasonably related to legitimate pedagogical concerns.[28] Third, under Barnette, schools cannot inculcate certain beliefs through the compelled expression of orthodox values.[29]

Considering these three principles, this Part first explains that Hazelwood—not Tinker—governs speech in the classroom. Second, by comparing circuit decisions that utilize Barnette[30] and those that utilize Hazelwood,[31] this Part argues that Hazelwood should govern Wood’s compelled speech claim.

A. Hazelwood Over Tinker: Student Speech in the Classroom

Tinker is the seminal case regulating speech in schools.[32] However, it does not govern school-sponsored activities. Instead, Hazelwood governs the classroom and what happens inside it.[33] This Section explains the Court’s reasoning in Tinker and Hazelwood. It then describes the Hazelwood standard, which the Court devised to reflect the needs of the classroom, and its limitations.

In Tinker, the Supreme Court considered the constitutionality of a school’s decision to suspend students for passively wearing black armbands protesting the Vietnam War. The Court held that a school district can regulate student speech if necessary to avoid material and substantial disruption to classroom operations.[34] However, the Court implied that a school may limit otherwise protected speech as part of a “prescribed classroom exercise,” when it asserted that a regulation restricting speech for anything but a classroom exercise would likely violate the First Amendment.[35] Because the Court characterized the student speech in Tinker as pure student expression, it distinguished between how student speech is regulated based on location—inside or outside the classroom—and context—in connection to or separate from classroom activities. As this Essay will establish, student speech is more circumscribed when inside the school and made with respect to classroom activities.

The Court refined the standard for restricting student speech in the school setting in Hazelwood, confining the applicability of Tinker. In Hazelwood, the Court distinguished school-sponsored speech, which “members of the public might reasonably perceive to bear the imprimatur of the school,” from pure student speech.[36] The Court considered a principal’s decision to excise two pages concerning teen pregnancy and divorce from a student-produced newspaper without informing the students and held the decision to be constitutional.[37]

The Court determined that the principal did not violate the First Amendment for two reasons: first, the speech occurred as part of the school’s curriculum and, second, the principal censored it for a legitimate pedagogical purpose.[38] First, the Court found that a school newspaper is akin to a classroom activity or exercise.[39] In doing so, it broadly defined a school’s curriculum as activities that are “supervised by faculty members and designed to impart particular knowledge or skills to student participants and audiences” whether or not they occur in the classroom itself.[40] The newspaper counted as a classroom exercise because of its faculty supervision and use within a journalism class, even though members of the community could obtain the paper.[41]

Second, and more importantly, the Court rejected the applicability of Tinker and determined that a school may exercise authority to decide curriculum content.[42] In particular, the school may restrict student speech in school-sponsored activities if doing so is “reasonably related to legitimate pedagogical concerns.”[43] The Court applied this standard to the principal’s decision. In distinguishing Hazelwood from Tinker, the Court noted that the school may not be required to “affirmatively . . . promote particular student speech.”[44]

The consequence of the Court’s decision in Hazelwood is that while Tinker sets higher constitutional protections for student speech, Hazelwood lowers the bar for educators. Said differently, the Court will allow schools to curtail student speech when it comes to certain classroom activities. The Hazelwood standard appears to afford “wide latitude” to schools as courts tend to “defer[] to the expertise of school authorities in deciding what constitutes a valid pedagogical purpose.”[45] After all, Hazelwood requires merely legitimate (as opposed to compelling) pedagogical purposes, and the purposes need be only reasonably related (as opposed to narrowly tailored). Strict scrutiny, which is typically applied in First Amendment cases and in Tinker, may seem preferable when it comes to school-mandated speech, especially when it relates to religious instruction. However, imposing a more stringent standard than Hazelwood may chill the speech of the school itself, as teachers would lose control over their curricula, and undermine the school’s educational mission.[46] The Court noted this in Hazelwood[47] and likely developed the legitimate purposes standard with these concerns in mind.

Further, since Hazelwood, lower courts have expanded the decision’s scope beyond its facts to curricula more generally. For example, the Tenth Circuit suggested that Hazelwood applies “in the context of a school’s right to determine what to teach and how to teach it in its classrooms.”[48] Likewise, the Sixth Circuit reasoned that “[w]here learning is the focus, as in the classroom, student speech may be even more circumscribed than in the school newspaper or other open forum.”[49]

The only limitation to Hazelwood’s permission of “limit[ing] speech or grad[ing] speech in the classroom in the name of learning” is that the restriction cannot be “a pretext for punishing the student for her race, gender, economic class, religion or political persuasion.”[50] As a result, the Ninth Circuit has reasoned that teachers may “require that a student comply with the terms of an academic assignment.”[51] Even if the student disagrees with the assignment, “the First Amendment does not require an educator to change” it.[52] Hazelwood provides a manageable standard by which courts can scrutinize classroom exercises. Students should not be subject to a curriculum that does not advance legitimate pedagogical goals or modes of instruction that are not reasonably related to those goals.[53] That said, given their expertise and purpose as an educational facility, schools and teachers should still retain some level of control over the curriculum. As long as the school’s restriction on student speech is reasonably related to legitimate pedagogical purposes, the federal courts cannot—and should not—intervene.

B. In Cases of Compelled Student Speech: Use Hazelwood Over Barnette

Though it is clear that Hazelwood applies to restrictions on student speech related to school-sponsored activities, it remains unclear what standard applies when the school seeks to compel viewpoints or speech from students in these settings. Compulsion adds a complication to the analysis of student speech in the classroom. Some, for instance, argue the principles in Barnette derive a “more workable standard” for compelled speech claims.[54] That said, this Section will argue courts should use Hazelwood over Barnette for claims concerning student speech produced by religious curriculum. This Section proceeds in three parts. First, it describes how a court could theoretically use either case to assess compelled speech claims. Second, it introduces the facts and holdings in Barnette. Third, it analyzes how courts differ or appear not to settle on the appropriate standard for compelled speech claims in the classroom. It will then argue Hazelwood should control.

Nothing explicitly prevents Hazelwood from reaching compelled student speech, beyond the argument that the facts of Hazelwood did not touch on compulsion. Just as educators can restrict students from writing on certain topics, they can demand students produce writings on certain issues. Further, compelling student speech still avails Hazelwood’s purpose of “preserv[ing] an environment conducive to fulfilling the state’s educational mandate.”[55] In this context, it is precisely because of the state’s mandate to educate that it is asking students to speak.  Given the discretion teachers have in designing their curricula, and the fact that speech is occurring as part of a classroom exercise, the Hazelwood standard should control.

Still, Barnette, which preceded Tinker and Hazelwood, complicates this analysis. Professor Joseph J. Martins describes Barnette as “explain[ing] the limits the compelled speech doctrine imposes upon state-mandated curriculum.”[56] Barnette concerned the constitutionality of a school decision to expel two Jehovah’s Witnesses for refusing to salute the flag during the Pledge of Allegiance.[57] The students claimed their religion forbade the worship of any “image” other than God.[58] The Supreme Court overturned the students’ expulsions, ruling that the First Amendment prohibited any “[c]ompulsory unification of opinion.”[59] Further, it struck down the statute requiring students to salute the flag, which it considered the same as requiring them “to declare a belief”[60] and “utter what is not in [their] mind[s].”[61]

The Court further justified its conclusion by observing that the school required students to salute the flag to promote “national unity” and not because doing so had “educational value.”[62] The Court classified the compulsion as serving a social goal that did not merit deference to education officials.[63] In fact, the Court suggested its ruling encouraged democratic values rather than suppressed them.[64] It also confirmed that schools are “not at liberty to intentionally command patriotism through a mandatory pledge.”[65] Thus, if public schools use their curricula to compel students to affirm an orthodoxy, strict scrutiny applies.[66]

Whether Barnette applies on its own in such cases is unclear, as the Supreme Court has not considered a compelled student speech case since Barnette. Further, Barnette’s ruling “was handed down more than twenty-five years before the Court first started to recognize that a lower standard of First Amendment protection may be afforded to public high school students in certain situations.”[67] Thus, if a case concerning compelled speech in the classroom were to be heard now in the Supreme Court, it is unclear whether the Court would decide it under Barnette or Hazelwood. Circuits have been left on their own to answer that question, to varying results.

The Fifth Circuit used Barnette explicitly in Brinsdon v. McAllen Independent School District to conclude that, where a compelled utterance by a student has no purpose but “to compel the speaker’s affirmative belief,” the First Amendment is not violated.[68] The court held the school did not unconstitutionally compel students to recite the Mexican Pledge of Allegiance in Spanish class because the exercise was not “seeking to force orthodoxy.”[69] The court contrasted the facts with Barnette, which analyzed whether requiring a student to recite a pledge linked with an expectation to adhere to its words and meaning was unlawful compulsion.[70] However, in Brinsdon, the students were not actually required to pledge allegiance to Mexico.[71] In assessing case law across the Seventh,[72] Ninth,[73] and Tenth Circuits,[74] the Fifth Circuit observed:

[I]t is clearly established that a school may compel some speech. Otherwise, a student who refuses to respond in class or do homework would not suffer any consequences. Students, moreover, generally do not have a right to reject curricular choices as these decisions are left to the sound discretion of instructors.[75]

Nowhere in Brinsdon did the Fifth Circuit consider Hazelwood; however, the court did refer to its reasoning. In determining that the students were not unconstitutionally compelled, the court noted that the pledge was “part of a cultural and educational exercise.”[76] Further, the Fifth Circuit cited Axson-Flynn v. Johnson, which applied Hazelwood to compelled or school-mandated speech in the university setting.[77] Specifically, the Tenth Circuit held that an educational institution may compel students to engage in a classroom exercise “for legitimate pedagogical reasons.”[78] Thus, while the Brinsdon court relied on Barnette rather than on Hazelwood, its citation to Axson-Flynn indicates that it did not foreclose reliance on Hazelwood in some capacity.

That said, by using Hazelwood, the Tenth Circuit effectively equated compelled speech and restricted speech in Axson-Flynn.[79] The Fifth Circuit’s decision in Brinsdon did not make a similar conclusion, as it noted that Axson-Flynn was not “directly applicable” to the case of Brinsdon,[80] and emphasized Barnette more heavily in its analysis. The Tenth Circuit, on the other hand, more clearly prefers Hazelwood for compelled student speech cases, as demonstrated by its decisions in Corder v. Lewis Palmer School District and Axson-Flynn.[81]

Specifically, in Axson-Flynn, the Tenth Circuit found that the student’s speech was school-mandated and explicitly evaluated it under Hazelwood.[82] The student argued that being forced “to say words she finds offensive constitute[d] compelled speech,” violating her First Amendment rights.[83] In particular, the student, a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, refused to swear or take God’s name in vain during classroom acting exercises.[84] The Tenth Circuit emphasized the less-than-stringent standard of Hazelwood but also underscored the court’s role in ensuring that the school’s purported legitimate “pedagogical concerns” were not merely pretextual.[85] Though the school did not “explicitly threaten[]” the student “with expulsion,” the court found that the school “attempted to compel [the student] to speak.”[86] Still, the court gave “substantial deference” to the school’s asserted goals[87] and remanded the case to the lower court to determine whether the school’s interest was merely a “pretext for religious discrimination.”[88]

In Corder, the Tenth Circuit returned to the Hazelwood standard for cases involving compelled student speech.[89] There, the valedictorian claimed the school unconstitutionally forced her to apologize for expressing her appreciation for Jesus Christ and urging the audience to learn more about the religious figure’s sacrifice during her graduation address.[90] The school had an “unwritten policy of requiring students to submit their valedictory speeches for content review prior to presentation,” but the speech the student provided to “the principal for review did not mention religion.”[91] Had the school known the student would discuss her Christian faith in her address, it would have required the student to excise it.[92] In assessing the student’s First Amendment challenge to the school’s actions, the Tenth Circuit considered, first, whether the school could exercise editorial control over the speech, and, second, whether the school could compel the student’s apology. For both questions, the court relied on Hazelwood.

To determine that the school could exercise editorial control over the speech, the Tenth Circuit made a threshold determination, finding that the graduation ceremony was a school-sponsored event.[93] Then, the court assessed that the school could permissibly review the student’s speech as it was a “learning opportunity” and graduation “impart[s] lessons on discipline, courtesy, and respect for authority.”[94] As for the compelled speech claim, the court concluded that a school may tell a student “what to say when she disregards the School District’s policy regarding the school-sponsored speech, as long as the compulsion is related to a legitimate pedagogical purpose.”[95] Since the apology itself was school-sponsored speech, the court determined that the school “was free to compel [the student’s] speech” if it met the Hazelwood standard.[96] The Tenth Circuit found that the “forced apology” was “reasonably related”[97] to the pedagogical goal of “learning.”[98] Thus, according to the Tenth Circuit, a school does not violate a student’s First Amendment rights if the speech is school-sponsored and the restriction or compulsion survives the Hazelwood analysis.[99]

In light of the Sixth and Tenth Circuit’s decisions, courts may reasonably rely primarily on either Barnette or Hazelwood to assess compelled speech claims. Indeed, one possible way to summarize the scope of Hazelwood and Barnette—as influenced by subsequent case law—is that Hazelwood concerns the school promotion of student speech while Barnette concerns the student promotion of school speech. That said, courts should use Hazelwood as the framework for their analysis.

When it comes to teaching religion in classes, the Hazelwood standard is more useful, but deferential, providing a mechanism by which to assess the validity of the assignment or restriction. In particular, judicial scrutiny under Hazelwood does not end when the Court finds no compulsion. Instead, the Court may inquire further into whether the school availed legitimate pedagogical goals and consider compulsion as part of that analysis. For example, if the Court only applied Barnette to Wood, the Court’s analysis would cease when it determined that the shahada assignment did not “compel” Wood; the school did not ask her to ascribe to a belief of Islam. However, if the Court applied Hazelwood, it would be required to consider whether the school had a legitimate pedagogical goal for the shahada assignment and whether the assignment itself was reasonably related to that goal, beyond merely compulsion.

Still, the Hazelwood analysis goes further in that students must not be required to “affirm a belief in the subject of the readings” or determine another religion as equal to their own.[100] Educators must walk the thin line between classroom discussion of faith that is “consistent with appropriate curricular standards” and that which appears to proselytize religion.[101] While school officials may seek to craft a curriculum that exposes students to “diverse traditions and cultural experiences,” they must also “remain[] mindful of the expectations and rights of the children and their parents.”[102]

The counterarguments to using Hazelwood primarily center on the facts on which the Court decided Hazelwood and its “deferential” approach. First, examining the facts of Hazelwood alone, the basis for equating compelled speech to restricted speech as the Tenth Circuit has done is not clear.[103] After all, Hazelwood concerned deleting text from a student newspaper, whereas Axson-Flynn concerned “compelling a student to speak as part of a course requirement,”[104] and Corder concerned compelling a student to apologize for her reference to Jesus. Thus, some may argue that the Court never intended Hazelwood to apply to situations of compelled speech.

Second, courts may avoid using Hazelwood for compelled speech claims because granting “substantial deference” to school officials means the decision to compel only needs to be reasonably related to pedagogical concerns.[105] As mentioned above, the Tenth Circuit only qualified the application of Hazelwood to compelled speech claims with a consideration of whether the action served as “a pretext for invidious discrimination.”[106] A court may fear that a substantially deferential standard may fail to protect students’ rights when it comes to religious curricula. A deferential standard may also subject students to uncomfortable classroom assignments.

Further, in light of Barnette and Brinsdon, a court may opt to analyze compelled or school-mandated speech cases only under Barnette, rather than Hazelwood.[107] Thus, as Brandon C. Pond asserts, if courts adopted Barnette as the standard, they would “first decide whether the speech is in fact compelled, and if so, whether the compulsion ‘invades the sphere of intellect and spirit’ proscribed by the First Amendment.”[108] Pond concedes that the standard-like language from Barnette in “the sphere of intellect and spirit protected by the First Amendment” is ambiguous.[109] Thus, Pond emphasizes that courts should primarily consider “whether the compulsion requires espousal of a particular idea.”[110]

However, there are two major weaknesses in Pond’s arguments. First, the courts must still allow schools to achieve their educational mandate. Second, despite Pond’s beliefs, a classroom exercise may more easily pass the Barnette standard and Hazelwood may better protect students’ rights rather than mere reliance on Barnette. In many instances, there is no direct constitutional threat from a school’s curricular choices, as “[n]o student has a First Amendment right” to be or not to be taught certain topics.[111] It is constitutional to teach about religion, the role of religion in history, and the historical or literary values of religious texts.[112] While the Court scrutinizes the introduction of religion in schools, [113] public schools may still teach about religion as long as they do not promote or denigrate it.[114]

Standing alone, Barnette does not fully account for the intricacies of teaching religion in classrooms. School assignments inherently compel answers, and likely will survive Barnette scrutiny because it is seldom understood that the student wholeheartedly subscribes to what she utters in class even if she may have to espouse a particular view. Hazelwood appropriately grants teachers deference over their curricula, but that does not mean courts will abdicate their duty in scrutinizing whether teachers achieve their aims constitutionally, especially when it comes to religious curriculum. Thus, while Barnette serves to place an essential gloss on courts’ consideration of compelled student speech claims, the Hazelwood standard should define the contours of the court’s analysis.

II. When Can a Teacher Teach Religion, When Must a Student Learn Religion

Relying on Hazelwood gives space to clarify further how its prongs should be understood in determining whether an assignment that compels religious speech is constitutionally permissible. To be precise, a court should apply Hazelwood to compelled student speech cases concerning religious curriculum in the following manner. First, for a classroom exercise to be considered “reasonably related” to the school’s educational goals, a court should find the assignment to be part of a mandatory education effort rather than a compelled recitation. Second, academic rather than inculcative goals must be the controlling pedagogical goal of schools when introducing religion in the required curriculum. It is here, in the second prong, that courts should bear Barnette in mind.

A. Compelled Recitation versus Mandatory Education Efforts

In the first prong of Hazelwood, the teaching mechanism or method that a teacher chooses to use must be “reasonably related” to achieving her legitimate pedagogical goal.[115] A school may have a legitimate pedagogical goal, but if the mechanism by which it carries out the purpose is impermissible, then the assignment or requirement imposed on students fails judicial scrutiny. At this step, a court should consider whether the exercise is a compelled recitation or a “mandatory education effort[].”[116] Compelled recitations, like the Pledge of Allegiance, usually violate the First Amendment, whereas mandatory education efforts, like classroom exercises designed to teach, are typically permitted under the First Amendment.[117]

Professor Seana Shiffrin finds mandatory education efforts less constitutionally troubling for two reasons. First, teachers foster students’ “intellectual independence” when they address students as an audience rather than when they compel students to speak.[118] Second, teachers promote students’ critical thinking when they “engage[] with the questions and doubts of [their] students.”[119] As commentator Nora Sullivan expounds, assignments like research papers or exercises in which a student “advocate[s] a particular viewpoint in the course of a classroom debate” promote such desired critical thinking.[120] In contrast, she proposes that Barnette should apply in “cases involving compelled recitations.”[121] Where mandatory education efforts are involved, “courts should allow a school’s compelled speech requirement to stand in order to give teachers enough power to teach critical thinking skills.”[122] There, the Hazelwood standard likely applies.

While Professor Shiffrin’s distinction is helpful, her reasoning does not legitimize a fill-in-the-blank assignment like the one implicated in Wood. Due to the lenient nature of “reasonably related,” a court may likely find many assignments permissible under the first prong of Hazelwood; however, they do not have to reflect Professor Shriffin’s justifications. For example, students are not an audience that can engage critically with the instruction by merely filling out a worksheet, but that worksheet is likely permissible. Similarly, a multiple-choice assignment that required Wood to pick the shahada as a tenet of Islam from a list of options would likely not have given rise to a compelled speech claim. On the other hand, if Wood’s teacher had the students recite the shahada aloud, that would likely fall in the compelled recitation category.

But it is critical to note what exactly “reasonably related” means. As the Tenth Circuit clarified, the mechanism does not need to be “necessary to the achievement of its goals” or “the most effective means of teaching,”[123] and it may still be reasonably related. If “reasonably related” were defined more stringently, it “would effectively give each student veto power over curricular requirements,” which the court refused to permit.[124] Thus, exercises such as the shahada assignment are likely mandatory education efforts that do not automatically raise constitutional concerns.

Still, characterizing a graded task as a mandatory education effort should not be construed as a rubber stamp of constitutionality. A court should not conclude its analysis of assignments like the fill-in-the-blank worksheet here. While a classroom exercise that is considered to be a mandatory education effort may be less constitutionally suspect than a compelled recitation, the purpose of the activity still must be assessed to determine whether the activity advances a “legitimate pedagogical goal.”

B. Academic versus Inculcative Pedagogical Goals

In assessing the “legitimate pedagogical goals” of the school under Hazelwood, courts should consider the centrality of the academic versus inculcative goals of the school in sponsoring a classroom activity. Professor James Ryan observed that if an educator seeks to teach religion to promote “community values,”[125] such as pluralism, her curriculum will receive harsher judicial scrutiny than if academic reasons motivated her curricular choices.[126] In other words, while a school may promote certain values within a classroom exercise, the Court “has limited the ability of schools to inculcate values for their own sake.”[127]

What the courts have considered a legitimate pedagogical purpose under Hazelwood appears to be broad. Courts have included behavioral and value-based concerns; as the Sixth Circuit declared, “the universe of legitimate pedagogical concerns is by no means confined to the academic.”[128] As Samuel P. Jordan summarizes, “[o]nce speech is identified as school-sponsored, courts typically defer to a school’s restriction of the speech if it can make a plausible argument that any pedagogical concern is implicated.”[129] For example, in Bethel School District No. 403 v. Fraser, the Court affirmed that public schools serve the purpose of teaching fundamental values “essential to a democratic society,” like religious and political tolerance.[130] Likewise, in Mozert v. Hawkins County Board of Education, the Sixth Circuit permitted a critical reading approach used by the school because it sought to teach civil tolerance of religion.[131]

Nevertheless, according to Professor Ryan, courts defer to schools in assignments that appear to teach values rather than pursue academic goals because values are inevitably taught in the course of education and teachers should retain some control over their curricula.[132] Partly motivating the limited First Amendment rights of students is the Supreme Court’s characterization of the government as an “educator” such that education officials are afforded “greater leeway to bend constitutional rights” so that they may “achieve certain educational goals.”[133] Academic goals afford more constitutional deference to schools, but inculcative goals afford some.[134] Still, cases like Barnette “place significant limitations on the ability of schools to inculcate students with dominant cultural values.”[135] A teacher may seek to expose schoolchildren to Islam to promote pluralism, just as a teacher may require that students pledge allegiance to promote patriotism as in Barnette. However, if those are the teacher’s goals—rather than academic goals—and it offends the student’s religious beliefs, Barnette would inform the court’s negative assessment of those classroom exercises.[136] As a result, courts should consider Barnette when assessing whether an assignment serves as a legitimate pedagogical goal under Hazelwood.

The factors considered by the Sixth Circuit in Brinsdon v. McAllen Independent School District further support Professor Ryan’s distinction between inculcative and academic goals and the use of Barnette in assessing whether the assignment related to a legitimate educational goal. Specifically, despite the risk of academic penalty for noncompliance, the court found it essential that (1) there was “no direct evidence . . . of a purpose to foster Mexican nationalism,” (2) “the pledge was educational,” and (3) “the assignment was a singular event.”[137] The Sixth Circuit’s separate analysis of (1) and (2) indicates that while a school may pursue an inculcative goal to foster tolerance,[138] it cannot pursue an inculcative goal to foster a belief in a specific religion or ideology. Thus, even if Wood had to fill out the entire shahada or recite it aloud, if there was (1) no evidence of a purpose to foster a belief in Islam, (2) the recitation was educational, and (3) it was a singular event, the assignment would likely survive Barnette. However, if the teacher’s purpose in giving the shahada assignment was not academic, Wood’s compelled speech claim gains some merit. By focusing on the educational purpose of the classroom exercise, Brinsdon and decisions arising from the Ninth[139] and Seventh Circuits[140] affirm that the academic purpose must control the decision to engage in that exercise.

Conclusion

When faced with claims challenging school assignments on religion, courts should apply Hazelwood. Further, while Barnette is relevant, it should not control the analysis given how Hazelwood better addresses the nuances of the classroom and school assignments. In applying Hazelwood, courts should first determine whether the exercise is a compelled recitation or mandatory education effort under its “reasonably related” prong. Second, in considering the “legitimate pedagogical purpose” of the religion-focused assignment, courts should defer to the school where its purpose serves academic rather than inculcative goals.

Even when it comes to learning about religious views a student opposes, the state’s interest in fulfilling its educational mandate dampens that student’s right to free expression. Teaching about religion is constitutional and important to fostering a pluralist and tolerant society, but it is a delicate exercise. On the one hand, a teacher may convey the tenets of a faith improperly and abuse her discretion. On the other hand, the lesson may place a student in a double-bind where she has to balance her religious views and her desire to avoid academic sanction. We can postulate whether Wood’s complaint came from a deep-seated dislike of Islam, whether the school should have also had students conduct a similar exercise for other faiths, or whether another form of the assignment could have mitigated constitutional concerns.[141]  

Regardless, schools are treated differently under the First Amendment precisely because of their educational mandate; that is what distinguishes them from public fora. They may restrict student speech and compel students to speak on topics within their curricula. They may include religion within their curricula and determine to what extent and through which methods they discuss religion. However, to protect the judicial deference they receive and to respect student’s expectations and rights, schools should ensure that their focus remains foremost academic.

 


[1] Wood v. Arnold, 915 F.3d 308 (4th Cir. 2019), cert. denied, 2019 WL 5150487 (U.S. Oct. 15, 2019) (No. 18-1438). In a five-day unit called “The Muslim World,” Wood’s class explored the Middle Eastern empires, including the basic tenets of Islam that “contributed to the development of those empires.” Id. Wood took issue with the fill-in-the-blank assignment as well as a comparative faith statement her teacher presented in a PowerPoint, which said, “Most Muslim’s [sic] faith is stronger than the average Christian.” Id. (underlining in original). Although Wood raised an Establishment Clause claim on the basis of the comparative faith statement, this Essay will not discuss that claim. Id. at 313.

[2] Id. at 312.

[3] Id. at 312–13. Only by reciting the shahada with purpose, full comprehension, and firm conviction in Islam, may one convert to Islam. Shahadah: The Statement of Faith, BBC (Aug. 23, 2009), https://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/practices/shahadah.shtml#target­Text=%22There%20is%20no%20God%20but,that%20Muhammad%20is%20his%20prophet [https://perma.cc/K7ET-AR9G]. There is no condition for having witnesses present when reciting the shahada to convert to Islam. However, it is always preferred for more than one witness to be present and more preferable if there is a larger gathering. If there are witnesses, one is usually an imam. To convert, or take the shahada, it is necessary to recite the shahada only once, but some assert that the individual should recite it two or three times. Compare Attiya Ahmad, Explanation is Not the Point: Domestic Work, Islamic Dawa and Becoming Muslim in Kuwait, 11 Asia Pac. J. Anthropology 293, 295 (2010) (suggesting two witnesses are required), and Conversion to Islam, Gov’t. of Dubai, https://www.dc.gov.ae/Pub­licServices/ERequestDe­tails.aspx?lang=en&ServiceCode=6 [https://perma.cc/MY53-HY2U] (last visited Oct. 16, 2019) (requiring two witnesses), with Sheikh Ahmad Kutty, New Muslims: Does Making Shahadah Need Witnesses?, AboutIslam (Sept. 27, 2018), https://aboutislam.net/counseling/ask-the-scholar/muslim-creed/new-muslims-making-shah­adah-need-witnesses/ [https://perma.cc/PCC6-YFSK] (emphasizing the person’s conviction and noting that witnesses are not considered essential), and with Shahadah: The Statement of Faith, supra note 3 (declaring that individual must recite the shahada three times in front of witnesses to convert), and Shahada, Berkley Ctr. for Religion, Peace, & World Affairs, https://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/essays/shahada [https://perma.cc/PU9S-URDB] (last visited Oct. 16, 2019) (declaring that “[a] single earnest public recitation of the Shahada in its original Arabic is all that is required to convert to Islam”).

[4] Wood, 915 F.3d at 312–13 (underlining in original). The underlined text reflects the blanks Wood was required to fill. Id. at 313 n.1.

[5] Id. at 313 (alteration in original) (quoting Wood and her father). Wood’s parents brought the suit on her behalf because Wood was a minor at the start of the lawsuit. When Wood turned eighteen, the complaint was amended to name her as a plaintiff. Id. at 313 n.2.

[6] Id. at 313 (alteration in original) (quoting Wood).

[7] Id. (alteration in original) (quoting Wood).

[8] Id. at 312. For the District Court’s ruling, see Wood v. Arnold, 321 F. Supp. 3d 565, 579 (D. Md. 2018).

[9] Wood, 915 F.3d at 319.

[10] Id.

[11] Id. at 318–19 (quoting Wood).

[12] Id. at 319 (quoting Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 506 (1969)).

[13] Id. (quoting Tinker, 393 U.S. at 506).

[14] C.N. v. Ridgewood Bd. of Educ., 430 F.3d 159, 187–90 (3d Cir. 2005) (holding that an anonymous survey administered to public school students and their parents did not violate their First Amendment rights).

[15] Id. at 187 (citing Brown v. Li, 308 F.3d 939, 953 (9th Cir. 2002) (explaining how, for example, a college history professor could assign students to write papers defending Prohibition)); see also id. (citing Hazelwood Sch. Dist. v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260, 273 (1988) (holding that a school may “exercise[e] editorial control over the style and content of student speech in school-sponsored expressive activities” but in doing so it is restricted to legitimate pedagogical purposes)).

[16] W. Va. St. Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 642 (1943) (holding that compelling public school students to salute the American flag violates the First Amendment).

[17] Wood, 915 F.3d at 319. The Ridgewood court asserted that the law “subjects compelled speech to different levels of scrutiny depending on whether the government is also compelling a certain viewpoint as part of the compelled speech.” 430 F.3d at 188. However, Ridgewood is distinguishable from Wood, as the students in Ridgewood did not face punishment for “fail[ing] to complete the survey or to select particular answers.” Id. at 189.

[18] Ridgewood, 430 F.3d at 178 (citing Hazelwood, 484 U.S. at 273, 276 (upholding the school’s decision not to print two pages of a student newspaper)).

[19] Hazelwood, 484 U.S. at 273.

[20] C.N. ex rel. J.N. v. Ridgewood Bd. of Educ., 319 F. Supp. 2d 483, 493 (D.N.J. 2004).

[21] Ridgewood, 430 F.3d at 178. The Ridgewood court did not conduct a Hazelwood analysis “because the survey administered at Ridgewood was not chosen by New Jersey as a means of advancing education, but by a group of local organizations and district officials who deemed it convenient to use the local school district as the venue for administration.” Id.

[22] See Corder v. Lewis Palmer Sch. Dist. No. 38, 566 F.3d 1219, 1222–23 (10th Cir. 2009), cert. denied, 558 U.S. 1048 (2009) (whether compelling a student to apologize for referring to Jesus in a school-sponsored speech violated the First Amendment); Eklund v. Byron Union Sch. Dist., No. C 02-3004 PJH, 2003 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 27152, at *2-13 (N.D. Cal. Dec. 5, 2003), aff’d, 154 F. App’x 648 (9th Cir. 2005), cert. denied, 549 U.S. 942 (2006) (whether a teacher reading aloud the Qu’ran and requiring students to recite from the text violated the First Amendment).

[23] Wood v. Arnold, 915 F.3d 308 (4th Cir. 2019), cert. denied, 2019 WL 5150487 (U.S. Oct. 15, 2019) (No. 18-1438).

[24] See Steven G. Gey, When Is Religious Speech Not “Free Speech”?, 2000 U. Ill. L. Rev. 379, 380–81 (arguing that litigants strategically make free speech claims to protect or challenge religious speech); Leslie Kendrick & Micah Schwartzman, Comment, The Etiquette of Animus, 132 Harv. L. Rev. 133, 136 (2018) (noting that litigants in Masterpiece Cakeshop, Ltd. v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission, 138 S. Ct. 1719 (2018), relied on free speech doctrine given the success of compelled speech claims compared to claims based in the Free Exercise Clause).

[25] See, e.g., Brinsdon v. McAllen Indep. Sch. Dist., 863 F.3d 338, 348, 350 (5th Cir. 2017) (calling Barnette “most factually analogous” but distinguishing it from the present case and noting uncertainty as to the “proper analysis of compelled recitation” cases); Axson-Flynn v. Johnson, 356 F.3d 1277 (10th Cir. 2004); Brown v. Li, 308 F.3d 939 (9th Cir. 2002); Settle v. Dickson Cty. Sch. Bd., 53 F.3d 152 (6th Cir. 1995).

[26] Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 506 (1969) (discussing the applicability of the First Amendment within “the schoolhouse gate”).

[27] Id. at 508–09.

[28] Hazelwood Sch. Dist. v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260, 273 (1988).

[29] W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 642 (1943).

[30] See Mozert v. Hawkins Cty. Pub. Schs., 765 F.2d 75, 76–77 (6th Cir. 1985) (whether having students read a book that was against their fundamentalist Christian beliefs constituted compulsion); Brinsdon, 863 F.3d at 348–51 (whether students were compelled to recite the Mexican Pledge of Allegiance).

[31] See Axson-Flynn, 356 F.3d at 1285–86. The court “conclude[d] that Axson-Flynn’s speech . . . constitutes ‘school-sponsored speech’ and is thus governed by Hazelwood.” Id. at 1285; see also id. at 1286–90 (describing the Sixth, Ninth, and Eleventh Circuits’ reliance on Hazelwood); Corder v. Lewis Palmer Sch. Dist. No. 38, 566 F.3d 1219, 1233 (10th Cir. 2009) (holding that the school did not violate the First Amendment when it made a student apologize for speaking about her faith during her graduation address).

[32] Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503 (1969).

[33] Hazelwood, 484 U.S. at 267–70.

[34] Tinker, 393 U.S. at 509.

[35] Id. at 513.

[36] Hazelwood, 484 U.S. at 270–71.

[37] Id. at 263–64.

[38] Id. at 271–74.

[39] Id. at 271.

[40] Id.

[41] Id. at 262, 267–270.

[42] Id. at 272–73.

[43] Id. at 273.

[44] Id. at 270–73. To be precise, the Court noted that “[t]he question whether the First Amendment requires a school to tolerate particular student speech—the question that we addressed in Tinker—is different from the question whether the First Amendment requires a school affirmatively to promote particular student speech.” Id. at 270–71.

[45] Samuel P. Jordan, Comment, Viewpoint Restrictions and School-Sponsored Student Speech: Avenues for Heightened Protection, 70 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1555, 1555 (2003).

[46] Alexis Zouhary, Note, The Elephant in the Classroom: A Proposed Framework for Applying Viewpoint Neutrality to Student Speech in the Secondary School Setting, 83 Notre Dame L. Rev. 2227, 2258 (2008); see also R. George Wright, School-Sponsored Speech and the Surprising Case for Viewpoint-Based Regulations, 31 S. Ill. U. L.J. 175, 212 (2007) (foreseeing “increased risks of litigation” with applying strict scrutiny to reasonably regulated school-sponsored speech).

[47] See Hazelwood, 484 U.S. at 271 (noting that, among other rights and responsibilities, “[e]ducators are entitled to exercise greater control over this second form of student expression to assure that participants learn whatever lessons the activity is designed to teach”).

[48] Axson-Flynn v. Johnson, 356 F.3d 1277, 1284 (10th Cir. 2004).

[49] Settle v. Dickson Cty. Sch. Bd., 53 F.3d 152, 155 (6th Cir. 1995).

[50] Id.

[51] Brown v. Li, 308 F.3d 939, 949 (9th Cir. 2002). The plaintiff claimed his university violated the First Amendment when it denied approval of a portion of his graduate thesis. Id. at 947. The Ninth Circuit applied Hazelwood and upheld the thesis committee’s decision as it “was reasonably related to a legitimate pedagogical objective: teaching Plaintiff the proper format for a scientific paper.” Id. at 952.

[52] Id. at 949.

[53] See infra Part II (discussing the two prongs of Hazelwood).

[54] See Brandon C. Pond, Note, To Speak or Not to Speak: Theoretical Difficulties of Analyzing Compelled Speech Claims Under a Restricted Speech Standard, 2010 BYU Educ. & L.J. 149, 159.

[55] James C. Farrell, Note, Johnny Can’t Read or Write, but Just Watch Him Work: Assessing the Constitutionality of Mandatory High School Community Service Programs, 71 St. John’s L. Rev. 795, 831 (1997).

[56] Joseph J. Martins, The One Fixed Star in Higher Education: What Standard of Judicial Scrutiny Should Courts Apply to Compelled Curricular Speech in the Public University Classroom?, 20 U. Pa. J. Const. L. 85, 103 (2017).

[57] W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 629 (1943).

[58] Id.

[59] Id. at 641 (declaring that “[c]ompulsory unification of opinion achieves only the unani­mity of the graveyard”).

[60] Id. at 631.

[61] Id. at 634; see also Sheldon v. Fannin, 221 F. Supp. 766, 775 (D. Ariz. 1963) (issuing an injunction restraining an elementary school’s board of trustees from expelling Jehovah’s Witnesses who silently refused to stand for the National Anthem).

[62] Barnette, 319 U.S. at 631 n.12.

[63] Id. at 637 (“That they are educating the young for citizenship is reason for scrupulous protection of Constitutional freedoms of the individual, if we are not to strangle the free mind at its source . . . .”).

[64] Id.

[65] Martins, supra note 56, at 105.

[66] Id. at 107.

[67] Nora Sullivan, Note, Insincere Apologies: The Tenth Circuit’s Treatment of Compelled Speech in Public High Schools, 8 First Amend. L. Rev. 533, 548 (2010).

[68] Brinsdon v. McAllen Indep. Sch. Dist., 863 F.3d 338, 349–50 (5th Cir. 2017).

[69] Id. at 350.

[70] Id.

[71] Id. at 349.

[72] Hedges v. Wauconda Cmty. Unit Sch. Dist. No. 118, 9 F.3d 1295, 1302 (7th Cir. 1993) (holding it proper to “deny students the ability to express themselves by adopting the words of others”).

[73] Brown v. Li, 308 F.3d 939, 953 (9th Cir. 2002) (discussing that a teacher can permissibly assign students to write opinions in the viewpoints of Justices Ginsburg and Scalia).

[74] Axson-Flynn v. Johnson, 356 F.3d 1277, 1291–93 (10th Cir. 2004) (allowing a teacher to require a student to recite lines from a play that are contrary to her religious beliefs).

[75] Brinsdon, 863 F.3d at 350.

[76] Id. at 349.

[77] Id. at 350 (citing Axson-Flynn, 356 F.3d at 1291–92).

[78] Id. (citing Axson-Flynn, 356 F.3d at 1291–92).

[79] Pond, supra note 54, at 155.

[80] Brinsdon, 863 F.3d at 350.

[81] Corder v. Lewis Palmer Sch. Dist. No. 38, 566 F.3d 1219, 1229 (10th Cir. 2009); Axson-Flynn v. Johnson, 356 F.3d 1277, 1285–86 (10th Cir. 2004).

[82] Axson-Flynn, 356 F.3d at 1285–86.

[83] Id. at 1290.

[84] Id. at 1280.

[85] Id. at 1292–93.

[86] Id. at 1290.

[87] Id. (quoting Fleming v. Jefferson Cty. Sch. Dist. R-1, 298 F.3d 918, 925 (10th Cir. 2002)).

[88] Id. at 1293. The issue was not further litigated because the parties settled. Id.

[89] Corder v. Lewis Palmer Sch. Dist. No. 38, 566 F.3d 1219, 1230–32 (10th Cir. 2009).

[90] Id. at 1222–23, 1230.

[91] Id. at 1222.

[92] Id. at 1223. To receive her diploma, the principal required the student to include in her apology a sentence clarifying that she understood she would not have been allowed to discuss her religious views, “had [she] asked ahead of time.” Id.

[93] Id. at 1229.

[94] Id.

[95] Id. at 1231 (citing C.N. v. Ridgewood Bd. of Educ., 430 F.3d 159, 178 (3d Cir. 2005)).

[96] Id.

[97] Id.

[98] Id. at 1232.

[99] Id. at 1231–32.

[100] Martin H. Redish & Kevin Finnerty, What Did You Learn in School Today? Free Speech, Values Inculcation, and the Democratic-Educational Paradox, 88 Cornell L. Rev. 62, 81 n.77 (2002).

[101] Busch v. Marple Newtown Sch. Dist., 567 F.3d 89, 96 (3d Cir. 2009); see also Walz ex rel. Walz v. Egg Harbor Twp. Bd. of Educ., 342 F.3d 271, 280 (3d Cir. 2003) (noting that a school’s restriction of religious expression during a classroom holiday party is “designed to prevent proselytizing speech that, if permitted, would be at cross-purposes with its educational goal”).

[102] Busch, 567 F.3d at 98.

[103] This is putting aside the argument that compelling speech is similar to restricting students from speaking on any other topic than what the teacher permits.

[104] Pond, supra note 54, at 150. 

[105] Id. at 157 (quoting Axson-Flynn v. Johnson, 356 F.3d 1277, 1290 (10th Cir. 2004)).

[106] Id.; see Axson-Flynn v. Johnson, 356 F.3d 1277, 1292–93 (10th Cir. 2004).

[107] See Pond, supra note 54, at 159 (suggesting that “school-mandated speech” should be evaluated under Barnette and not Hazelwood).

[108] Id. (quoting W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 642 (1943)).

[109] Id. at 159–60.

[110] Id. at 160.

[111] Redish & Finnerty, supra note 100, at 81.

[112] James E. Ryan, The Supreme Court and Public Schools, 86 Va. L. Rev. 1335, 1383–84 (2000); see Epperson v. Arkansas, 393 U.S. 97, 106 (1968) (permitting religious education “from a literary and historic viewpoint, presented objectively as part of a secular program”); Abington Sch. Dist. v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203, 225 (1963) (permitting the study of religion within a secular program).

[113] Ryan, supra note 112, at 1411.

[114] Id. at 1408.

[115] Hazelwood Sch. Dist. v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260, 273 (1988).

[116] Seana Valentine Shiffrin, Essay, What is Really Wrong with Compelled Association?, 99 Nw. U. L. Rev. 839, 883–84 (2005).

[117] Id.

[118] Id. at 884.

[119] Id.

[120] Sullivan, supra note 67, at 559; see also Axson-Flynn v. Johnson, 356 F.3d 1277, 1290–91 (10th Cir. 2004) (“[S]chools also routinely require students to express a viewpoint that is not their own in order to teach the students to think critically . . . .”).

[121] Sullivan, supra note 67, at 569.

[122] Id.

[123] Axson-Flynn, 356 F.3d at 1292 (emphasis omitted).

[124] Id.; see also Regents of the Univ. of Mich. v. Ewing, 474 U.S. 214, 225 (1985) (“[A court] may not override [a teacher’s professional judgment] unless it is such a substantial departure from accepted academic norms as to demonstrate that the person or committee responsible did not actually exercise professional judgment.”); Settle v. Dickson Cty. Sch. Bd., 53 F.3d 152, 155 (6th Cir. 1995) (“So long as the teacher limits speech or grades speech in the classroom in the name of learning and not as a pretext for punishing the student for her race, gender, economic class, religion or political persuasion, the federal courts should not interfere.”).

[125] Ryan, supra note 112, at 1351–52.

[126] See, e.g., Susan H. Bitensky, A Contemporary Proposal for Reconciling the Free Speech Clause with Curricular Values Inculcation in the Public Schools, 70 Notre Dame L. Rev. 769, 770–71 (1995) (noting that “teaching processes of reasoning about values while avoiding the transmission of any definite moral content . . . has generally been spared accusations of constitutional infirmity,” unlike the choice to “inculcat[e] selected values”).

[127] Ryan, supra note 112, at 1419–20; see Hazelwood Sch. Dist. v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260, 272–73 (1988); W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 645–46 (1943) (Murphy, J., concurring); id. at 631 n.12.

[128] Poling v. Murphy, 872 F.2d 757, 762 (6th Cir. 1989). The Sixth Circuit held that the school did not violate the First Amendment by disqualifying a student for the student council presidency for “discourteous and rude remarks about” school officials “in the course of a speech delivered at a school-sponsored assembly.” Id. at 758 (internal quotation marks omitted). It found that “[c]ivility is a legitimate pedological concern,” as the concern need not be academic. Id. at 758, 762. However, the court did place importance on the fact that “the school officials made no attempt to compel [the student] to say anything he did not want to say.” Id. at 763.

[129] Jordan, supra note 45, at 1570.

[130] 478 U.S. 675, 681 (1986).

[131] 827 F.2d 1058, 1068–69 (6th Cir. 1987).

[132] Ryan, supra note 112, at 1419.

[133] Id. at 1338.

[134] Id. at 1423.

[135] Id. at 1339 n.14.

[136] Professor Ryan clarifies that Barnette and Tinker demonstrate that “schools can try to socialize students outside of the context of academic exercises, via mandatory flag salutes”; however, “efforts at socialization must be justified as linked to the academic process itself; where that link does not exist (or is not seen by the Court), socialization is not privileged in the same way that academic activities are.” Id. at 1354 n.78. 

[137] Brinsdon v. McAllen Indep. Sch. Dist., 863 F.3d 338, 349 (5th Cir. 2017).

[138] See, e.g., Bethel Sch. Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser, 478 U.S. 675, 681 (1986); Mozert v. Hawkins Cty. Bd. of Educ., 827 F.2d 1058, 1068 (6th Cir. 1987).

[139] Brown v. Li, 308 F.3d 939, 952 (9th Cir. 2002) (Although not a K-12 school case, the court importantly upheld the thesis committee’s decision on an understanding it was pursuing an academic goal).

[140] Zykan v. Warsaw Cmty. Sch. Corp., 631 F.2d 1300, 1306 (7th Cir. 1980) (recognizing that a student may make a claim if it is shown that the school was substituting legitimate pedagogic choices with “rigid and exclusive indoctrination”).

[141] The Thomas More Law Center (“TMLC”), which filed the lawsuit on behalf of Ms. Wood, described its concerns in a press release. See Thomas More Law Center Asks Supreme Court to Decide How Far Schools Can Promote Islam and Disparage Christianity, Thomas More L. Ctr. (May 15, 2019), https://www.thomasmore.org/news/thomas-more-law-center-asks-supreme-court-to-decide-how-far-schools-can-promote-islam-and-disparage-christian­ity/ [https://perma.cc/3Q9C-H96D]; see also Chris Woodward, Schools Pushing the Envelope on Islamic Proselytization, OneNewsNow (Oct. 16, 2019), https://onenewsnow.com/legal-courts/2019/­10/16/schools-pushing-the-envelope-on-islamic-proselytization [https://perma.­cc/PZM5-JN5W] (quoting Richard Thompson, president and chief counsel of TMLC, for the propositions that schools are becoming “hotbeds of Islamic propaganda” and the Fourth Circuit’s decision enforces a “double standard” regarding how Islam and Christianity are (or are not) taught in public schools).

The Great Unfulfilled Promise of Tinker

Introduction

The most famous line from Tinker v. Des Moines Independent School District is that “[i]t can hardly be argued that either students or teachers shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate.”[1] People who know only this line from Tinker—and the victory it gave to the Vietnam-war protesting students—likely think of it as an incredibly speech-protective decision. It turns out that although Tinker contains lofty language about the importance of student speech rights, it sowed the seeds for the erosion of those very same rights. In the past fifty years, First Amendment protection for student speech rights in K-12 public schools has diminished substantially.

The Tinker decision contained three main weaknesses that have undermined student speech rights. First, it erroneously assumed that it was clear that minors had speech rights outside of school. Fifty years later, it still remains unclear what rights minors have. This uncertainty has made it easier for the Court (and lower courts) to chip away at their First Amendment rights in subsequent decisions and has left students particularly vulnerable in this digital age to online speech restrictions. Second, Tinker held that the speech rights of students—whatever they might be—can be restricted based on considerations of “the special characteristics of the school environment.”[2] With this qualification, the Court essentially announced that student speech rights are not subject to the same standards that normally apply when the government regulates speech. This leaves the Court free in future cases to develop ad hoc rules restricting student speech. The third weakness of Tinker is that the Court embraced a standard permitting the restriction of student speech whenever school officials reasonably forecast that the speech would cause “material and substantial interference with schoolwork or discipline.”[3] This standard is unnecessarily deferential to school administrators and poses precisely the sort of censorship that the Court would never tolerate outside of the school setting.

I. First Problem: Do Children Have a First Amendment Right
to Speak?

When I was writing my first article on student speech rights,[4] I had an eye-opening conversation with another constitutional law scholar[5] who asked me why I had presumed that minors had any First Amendment rights. After all, this professor explained, children are subject to the authority of their parents except in the most limited of situations. In addition, because children cannot vote, one of the key theories for free speech—to promote self-government—does not apply to their expression, at least not in the same way it applies to adults.[6]

This line of inquiry caught me flat-footed, and I scrambled to add an entire section to my article to justify my assumption that minors had robust First Amendment rights.[7] As I worked on this new section, I quickly realized that the scholar had a point—the Court has not been very clear about whether children have First Amendment expressive rights, or what any such rights look like. Instead, the Court has focused on the right of parents to raise their kids without undue interference from the government,[8] or on protecting minors from the harmful speech of others.[9]

This is problematic because when Tinker declared that it “has been the unmistakable holding of this Court for almost 50 years” that children and teachers do not shed their rights to the freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate, the Court implied that it was clear what rights children (and government employees like public school teachers) had to speak outside of the schoolhouse gates.[10] This turns out not to be true at all. Furthermore, it is incorrect to assume the Court meant to say much of anything about the rights of minors outside of school. Although Tinker provided a long string cite of cases to support its famous statement,[11] it turns out that none of these cases concern the rights of minors to speak. Instead, a review of the cases Tinker cited after its famous “schoolhouse gate” sentence reveals that the Court was saying something quite unremarkable and hardly worthy of celebration—that public schools are not First-Amendment-free zones. 

Indeed, most cases Tinker cited involving minors and the First Amendment are really cases about the right of parents to raise their children without undue interference from the government. For example, in Pierce v. Society of Sisters, the Court struck down a law requiring students to attend public school because it conflicted with the right of parents to choose a school for their children.[12] Some of the other decisions Tinker cited involved the Establishment Clause,[13] and many involved the First Amendment rights of teachers, including some college professors.[14]

The strongest case Tinker cited for meaningful student speech rights is West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette.[15] In this case, the Court made several statements suggesting that the students themselves had robust First Amendment rights.[16] In addition, the Court suggested that the school can restrict speech or compel speech only if it can satisfy the “clear and present danger” test, the same test that would apply outside of the school setting to adults.[17] Notably, though, Barnette involves compelled speech. The Court has recently recognized that compelled speech is arguably worse than restrictions on what can be said because “[w]hen speech is compelled . . . individuals are coerced into betraying their convictions.”[18] Compelled speech in elementary school raises even more concerns. In Barnette, Justice Jackson criticized the pledge as a “short-cut” to “arouse[] loyalties” to the nation rather than the “slow and easily neglected route” to patriotism that comes from studying American history.[19] In addition, coercing children to repeat a state message potentially has more serious deleterious effects on them than it would on an adult.[20] Barnette does not hold that students have an affirmative right to speak; instead, it holds that schools cannot force students to speak.[21]

Furthermore, when the Court decided Tinker, it failed to grapple with its own recent decision suggesting that minors do not have robust speech rights. As Justice Stewart points out in his Tinker concurrence, the Court had decided Ginsberg v. New York just one year before Tinker.[22] In Ginsberg, which upheld a New York law banning the sale of materials obscene for minors, the Court refused “to consider the impact of the guarantees of freedom of expression upon the totality of the relationship of the minor and the State.”[23] Nevertheless, the Court readily concluded that whatever rights minors had, they were not the same as the rights of adults.[24] The Court was less concerned with the rights of minors than with the rights their parents had to control what their children saw, stating that the Court has “consistently recognized that the parents’ claim to authority in their own household to direct the rearing of their children is basic in the structure of our society.”[25] Because the law did not prevent parents or guardians from giving their children access to the proscribed materials, the Court upheld the law as permissively controlling what minors could view without unduly interfering with parents’ rights.[26] One possible way of viewing Tinker is that it was cabined in the State’s ability to interfere with parental choices, not that it was defending the rights of children themselves.[27]

Most of the Court’s free speech decisions involving minors before and after Tinker concern efforts to protect children from harmful speech.[28] Although the Court has made clear that “only in relatively narrow and well-defined circumstances may government bar public dissemination of protected materials to them,”[29] the Court has never wholesale abandoned the general principle that the government can restrict the speech minors access in order to promote their proper development. In Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, for example, the Court struck down a ban on the showing of films containing nudity in drive-in theaters. Although one rationale for the ordinance was to protect minors, the Court declared that legislatures could not ban speech for minors based on vague ideas about what is unsuitable for them.[30] But even in reaching this speech-protective conclusion, the Court continued to embrace the idea that some restrictions are permissible. In a footnote in Erznoznik, the Court quotes Tinker’s statement that the rights of minors are not co-extensive with the rights of adults, and cites Ginsberg for the proposition that sometimes speech restrictions are permissible to protect minors who are “captive audience[s]” or because they are deemed to lack “full capacity for individual choice” that is the premise of full First Amendment rights.[31] The Court’s more recent violent video games decision, Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Ass’n, likewise rejected the idea that legislatures can restrict material minors can access at will, but the Court did not overrule Ginsberg to reach its conclusion.[32]

As a result, to this day, it is not entirely clear what First Amendment rights students have outside of the schoolhouse gates. The Court has not clearly distinguished between the rights of children to speak and the rights of children to consume speech of others.[33] Although the Court has made statements in some of its student speech cases that minors have speech rights outside of the schoolhouse gates, these statements are entirely dicta and have not been reconciled with Ginsberg’s suggestion that children do not have the same First Amendment rights as adults outside of the school setting.[34]

One possible response to concerns that the Court has failed to define minor speech rights is to reject the dichotomy between the right to speak and the right to receive speech. Instead, one potential view of the Court’s student speech cases is that they consistently concern when schools can regulate speech to protect the listeners in the audience (i.e., other students). In Tinker, the armband-wearing students did not pose any risk of harm to their fellow students with their political views about the Vietnam War, and therefore their expression could not be restricted.[35] In its later cases, however, the Court has concluded that the harm certain types of student speech cause the audience justifies its restriction. In Bethel School District No. 403 v. Fraser, for example, the Court abandoned Tinker’s instruction that schools must tolerate unpopular speech to hold that schools can prohibit sexually explicit, indecent, or lewd speech at school in order to protect other students.[36] The Court explained that the “fundamental values” of a civil society are not limited to the freedom of expression but instead “must also take into account consideration of the sensibilities of others, and, in the case of a school, the sensibilities of fellow students.”[37] The Court noted that in legislative bodies across the country, politicians are forbidden from using “expressions offensive to other participants in the debate.”[38] Bethel also mentions that the student’s sexually suggestive election speech “was acutely insulting to teenage girl[s]  . . . many of whom were only 14 years old and on the threshold of awareness of human sexuality.”[39] To drive the point home, the Court cited several other decisions in which it has restricted offensive, lewd, or vulgar speech to protect minors, including Ginsberg, Board of Education v. Pico, and FCC v. Pacifica Foundation.[40] In Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier[41] and Morse v. Frederick,[42] the Court likewise expressed concern about the impact of speech on observers. The Hazelwood Court noted that

“a school must be able to take into account the emotional maturity of the intended audience in determining whether to disseminate student speech on potentially sensitive topics, which might range from the existence of Santa Claus in an elementary school setting to the particulars of teenage sexual activity in a high school setting.”[43] 

In Morse, the Court held that “schools may take steps to safeguard those entrusted to their care from speech that can reasonably be regarded as encouraging illegal drug use.”[44]

It is not clear, though, why student speech rights should be defined in terms of whether the speech is potentially harmful to minors, especially when the Court has been so deferential to arguments about harm. This deference stands in sharp contrast to the Court’s approach to speech restrictions outside of the school setting, where the Court has shown some willingness to second-guess government claims that speech is harmful to children. [45] Indeed, in Hazelwood, the Court went so far as to hold that in the context of school-sponsored expressive activities, schools have virtually unbridled power to restrict student speech to protect the student audience from “potentially sensitive topics.”[46] The only showing that a school has to make is that the censorship serves a legitimate pedagogical concern.[47] In that case, the Court upheld the school’s refusal to publish portions of the student newspaper that addressed teenage pregnancy, sighting the sensitivity of the younger high school students.[48] The Court recognized that the article on teenage pregnancy contained no graphic content but mentioned “[students’] sexual histories and their use or nonuse of birth control.”[49] The Court concluded that the school was “not unreasonable” to censor such “frank talk.”[50] Most shockingly, in considering the relevant audience, the Court asserted that it included not only the actual students at the school but also “the students’ even younger brothers and sisters” who might read the newspaper.[51] The Court also failed to explain why protecting students from speech on “sensitive topics” is justifiable in school,[52] especially given that they are very likely hearing the same speech from their peers (and from others) when they are not at school.

Without a more robust understanding of why children have First Amendment rights to speak when they are outside of the schoolhouse gates, it is no surprise subsequent Supreme Court decisions have limited those rights when they are inside those gates. By focusing on the potential harm to the audience in its post-Tinker cases, the Court dramatically curtails the rights of student speakers. It is time for the Court to recognize that students are people, too, and that they have affirmative rights to speak that cannot be so easily balanced away in the face of amorphous “harms.”

II. Second Problem: Balancing First Amendment Rights in Light of the “Special Characteristics of the School Environment”

In the same paragraph in Tinker where the Court declared that students have First Amendment rights within the schoolhouse gates, the Court stated that these constitutional rights (whatever they might be) must be balanced against the need “for affirming the comprehensive authority of the States and school officials, consistent with fundamental constitutional safeguards, to prescribe and control conduct in the schools.”[53] Accordingly, in a dramatic departure from its usual method of First Amendment analysis, Tinker embraces a balancing approach to free speech rights in public schools. Whatever free speech rights students (or teachers) might have in the abstract are essentially balanced against the need to restrict speech “in light of the special characteristics of the school environment.”[54] This balancing approach has led directly to the Court’s subsequent decisions that systematically undervalue student speech and overvalue the interests of school administrators in maintaining civility and good order. Most disturbingly, the Court inappropriately permits schools to restrict student speech based on the unexamined assertion that onlookers assume schools endorse any speech that they do not censor.

Several scholars support the Court’s institution-specific approach to student-speech restrictions,[55] and to some extent, it makes sense to recognize that schools need to have some power to restrict speech in order to achieve their educational mission. This deference, however, is much more appropriate in the classroom than it is on the playground or cafeteria, or with respect to speech online. In the classroom, teachers necessarily must have the authority to engage in content-based and even viewpoint-based speech regulations.[56] The selection of course materials and assignments, and effective class discussions, demand this level of control.[57] And it is not just K-12 schools that require this level of authority. University professors and school officials require it as well. As Justice Stevens once explained with respect to universities, “[t]hey select books for inclusion in the library, they hire professors on the basis of their academic philosophies, they select courses for inclusion in the curriculum, and they reward scholars for what they have written.”[58] Outside of the classroom, however, it is much less clear that it is essential for schools to have broad powers to regulate student speech.

Since Tinker, the Court has embraced the arguments of school officials that the toleration of speech is equivalent to approval of that speech. In other words, a student’s expressive activities pose more of a threat to his peers when he speaks at school because that speech will have more impact on them when teachers and administrators let speech go unpunished and unregulated. Bethel School District v. No. 403 Fraser, Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier, and Morse v. Frederick all suggest that a minor’s First Amendment rights must give way to the interest of school officials in avoiding any association with their speech and perceptions that they tacitly approve of such speech. In Bethel, for example, the Court concluded that “it was perfectly appropriate for the school to disassociate itself to make the point to the pupils that vulgar speech and lewd conduct is wholly inconsistent with the ‘fundamental values’ of public school education.”[59] Hazelwood held that schools can censor student speech in school-sponsored activities “that students, parents, and members of the public might reasonably perceive to bear the imprimatur of the school.”[60] In Morse, the Court explained that it is hard to keep children away from drugs “when the norms in school appear to tolerate such behavior.”[61] Unless the school punished the student waving the “BONG HiTS 4 JESUS Banner,” the Court asserts, students might get the wrong idea that school officials endorsed his message.[62] As the Court explained, “Student speech celebrating illegal drug use at a school event, in the presence of school administrators and teachers, thus poses a particular challenge for school officials working to protect those entrusted to their care from the dangers of drug abuse.”[63]

The Court’s willingness to accept schools’ arguments that tolerating student speech amounts to endorsement is not consistent with most of the Court’s First Amendment jurisprudence in other contexts, but it is representative of the general “creep” of the government speech doctrine.[64] In most of its First Amendment cases, particularly those involving the public forum, the Court does not accept arguments that reasonable observers would believe that the government sanctions the speech of private actors merely by permitting speech to occur.[65] If this were not the case, the government would be able to regulate any speech it does not like that occurs on government property. The Court appears to accept uncritically that whenever a school tolerates speech, students will think that the school endorses it. But as Justice O’Connor once said, “The proposition that schools do not endorse everything they fail to censor is not complicated.”[66] It is hard to imagine, for example, that students actually thought the school endorsed Fraser’s election speech, Frederick’s banner, or even the news articles in Hazelwood. Relatedly, the Court also fails to consider whether schools could engage in counter speech or at least more speech to address any misconceptions about government endorsement.[67]

In evaluating whether the “special characteristics of the school environment” give educators constitutional dispensation to regulate student speech, the Court should be leery of arguments that toleration equals endorsement. These arguments are persuasive in the classroom setting, but they are not persuasive in most other contexts. Students are smarter than that. The Court should examine more critically claims that reasonable observers—particularly students—would think that school officials approve of their classmates’ expressive activities.

III. Third Problem: Deference to School Officials

Tinker declared that school authorities can regulate speech when there are “facts which might reasonably have led [them] to forecast substantial disruption of or material interference with school activities.”[68] This standard contains at least two elements that contribute to a potentially devastating reduction of student speech rights. First, the standard defers to the “reasonable” interpretations of what speech means and how it will impact the school environment. Second, it allows school officials to act long before any substantial disruption actually occurs. As a result, student speech rights rest less on a judicially enforceable First Amendment right and more on the willingness of school administrators to tolerate speech.

The facts of Tinker come pretty close to a perfect vehicle for a decision recognizing student speech rights. Not only were the plaintiffs engaged in core political speech, but they also engaged in that speech silently. Their expression did not involve the assertion of any false facts; nor did it threaten any sort of harm to others. Furthermore, only seven out of 18,000 students in the entire school system wore black armbands.[69] As the Court expressly stated, this was not a case involving “aggressive, disruptive action or even group demonstrations.”[70] The record contained “no evidence whatever of petitioners’ interference, actual or nascent, with the schools’ work or of collision with the rights of other[s].”[71] Instead, the school punished the students for “a silent, passive expression of opinion, unaccompanied by any disorder or disturbance on the part of petitioners.”[72] School officials claimed they feared disruption would result from the armbands, but the Court called this out as an “undifferentiated fear or apprehension of disturbance” based on “an urgent wish to avoid the controversy which might result from the expression” opposing the Vietnam War.[73] In addition, the school officials could not credibly argue that they hoped to keep all politically controversial subjects out of the school because it permitted other forms of political expression, including political campaign buttons as well as the Iron Cross, a symbol of Nazism.[74] The Court then declared that public schools are not “enclaves of totalitarianism” and cannot treat students as “closed-circuit recipients of only that which the [school] chooses to communicate.”[75]

Throughout its decision, the Court embraced core First Amendment principles. The Court rejected the heckler’s veto, noting that “[a]ny variation from the majority’s opinion may inspire fear” or “start an argument or cause a disturbance.”[76] Indeed, the Court said, the open debate the First Amendment fosters “is the basis of our national strength and of the independence and vigor of Americans who grow up and live in this relatively permissive, often disputatious, society.”[77] The Court also emphasized that students learn not just in the classroom from their teachers but also from their fellow students on the “playing field” and in the cafeteria.[78]

This soaring language reflecting a deep commitment to the marketplace of ideas has been the foundation for so many of the Court’s First Amendment cases, from incitement[79] to defamation.[80] Accordingly, the Court concluded, “[i]n the absence of a specific showing of constitutionally valid reasons to regulate their speech, students are entitled to freedom of expression of their views.”[81] The Court also initially suggested that public schools, as government actors, will not be able to regulate student speech unless it causes a material and substantial disruption in the operation of the school.[82] This standard sounds very similar to the test for incitement, which requires imminent lawless action.[83] It also is not too far off from the tests for time, place, and manner restrictions, which permit government actors to impose content-neutral speech restrictions to serve important government interests.[84]

But the facts of Tinker made it easy for the Court to dodge more complicated questions that have plagued student speech cases ever since. First, because the students’ armbands had virtually no impact on the operation of the school, the Court did not directly discuss whether reactions to student speech could constitute a valid “disruption” for purposes of its new test. Although the Court seemed to suggest that the ban on the heckler’s veto applies with equal force to schools,[85] it is also possible that the reaction could be so significant it would interfere with the operation of the school. Accordingly, there is an obvious disconnect between the assertion that a disruptive heckler’s veto can have no place in America, with a standard that permits restrictions on speech to avoid disruption.

Second, the Court concluded its opinion by stating that “the record does not demonstrate any facts which might reasonably have led school authorities to forecast substantial disruption of or material interference with school activities.”[86] It is possible that the Court did not mean to water down its new material and substantial disruption test by suggesting that as long as it is “reasonable” for school officials to predict that speech would cause a disruption, they could restrict it. Instead, perhaps the Court simply meant to comment on the complete lack of disruption or threat of disruption in this particular case. It is also possible that the Court meant to suggest that it would not be necessary for speech to actually cause a material and substantial disruption in the operation of the schools as long as the disruption was about to occur. After all, the test for incitement does not require government officials to wait until unlawful conduct occurs but requires unlawful conduct to be “imminent.”[87]

Regardless of what the Court actually meant, subsequent decisions have read this language as embracing a form of deference to school officials.[88] This deference is not merely in determining what constitutes a material and substantial disruption but also deference to whether a disruption is likely to occur. It is also unclear what school officials can consider when making their predictions. For example, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit suggested it is permissible for schools to consider any history of disruption for perhaps the last century, and certainly for the last several decades.[89] With this one sentence, the Court substantially waters down its otherwise potentially speech-protective standard.

Conclusion

In the five decades since Tinker, the Court has backed away from some of the more robust statements in the opinion about the importance of student speech.[90] This Essay argues that the evolution of the Court’s jurisprudence in this area can be traced back to various weaknesses and unresolved tensions in Tinker’s celebrated opinion. Without a more complete understanding about why minors have student speech rights, it is easier for courts to expand the authority of school officials and to restrict those rights even more. In addition, the Court needs to resist the “creep” of the government speech doctrine and recognize that students as well as the larger community do not equate (or at least do not reasonably equate) toleration of speech with endorsement of that speech.

The tensions outlined in this Essay have particularly important ramifications for the current uncertainty regarding the ability of schools to restrict the speech of students online. Although the Court has yet to grapple with how to interpret Tinker in light of new technology, lower courts have embraced the Tinker “substantial disruption” standard to justify student speech restrictions both inside and outside of the schoolhouse gates.[91] Given how deferential courts are to schools and dismissive of student rights, it would be very easy to water down those rights even when students are not at school.

 


[1] 393 U.S. 503, 506 (1969).

[2] Id.

[3] Id. at 511. The Court also said that the school can restrict speech that constitutes an “invasion of the rights of others,” but this prong has received little judicial attention, and its meaning remains unclear. Id. at 513; see, e.g., Doe v. Valencia Coll., 903 F.3d 1220, 1229–31 (11th Cir. 2018) (applying the “rights of others” prong to a college student in a harassment case); Wynar v. Douglas Cty. Sch. Dist., 728 F.3d 1062, 1072 (9th Cir. 2013) (holding that whatever this phrase means, it covers a threatened school shooting); Saxe v. State College Area Sch. Dist., 240 F.3d 200, 217 (3d Cir. 2001) (“The precise scope of Tinker’s ‘interference with the rights of others’ language is unclear.”).

[4] Mary-Rose Papandrea, Student Speech Rights in the Digital Age, 60 Fla. L. Rev. 1027 (2008).

[5] This conversation was with John Garvey, who has grappled with some of these questions in his own work. See, e.g., John Garvey, Children and the First Amendment, 57 Tex. L. Rev. 321 (1979).

[6] These arguments are very similar to the arguments Justice Thomas has made in recent student speech cases. See, e.g., Brown v. Entm’t Merchs. Ass’n, 564 U.S. 786, 821 (2011) (Thomas, J., dissenting) (“The practices and beliefs of the founding generation establish that ‘the freedom of speech,’ as originally understood, does not include a right to speak to minors (or a right of minors to access speech) without going through the minors’ parents or guardians.”); id. at 836 (“Although much has changed in this country since the Revolution, the notion that parents have authority over their children and that the law can support that authority persists today.”); Morse v. Frederick, 551 U.S. 393, 410–11 (2007) (Thomas, J., concurring) (declaring that Tinker is “without basis in the Constitution” because “the history of public education suggests that the First Amendment, as originally understood, does not protect student speech in public schools”).

[7] See Papandrea, supra note 4, at 1076–89 (discussing various justifications for restricting the speech rights of K-12 public school students).

[8] See, e.g., Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205, 213–14 (1972).

[9] See, e.g., Ginsberg v. New York, 390 U.S. 629, 639–40 (1968).

[10] 393 U.S. 503, 506 (1969).

[11] Id. at 506–07.

[12] 268 U.S. 510, 534–35 (1925) (holding that the law “unreasonably interferes with the liberty of parents and guardians to direct the upbringing and education of children under their control”). Three years after Tinker, the Court held that states could not require Amish families to send their children to public or private school after completion of the eighth grade, explaining that “the values of parental direction of the religious upbringing and education of their children in their early and formative years have a high place in our society.” Yoder, 406 U.S. at 213–14.

[13] Tinker, 393 U.S. at 506–07; see, e.g., Engel v. Vitale, 370 U.S. 421, 424 (1962) (striking down a program of daily prayer in New York’s public schools); Illinois ex rel. McCollum v. Bd. of Educ. of Sch. Dist. No. 71, 333 U.S. 203, 211–12 (1948) (holding unconstitutional a program of religious instruction conducted during the school day to public school students).

[14] Tinker, 393 U.S. at 506–07 (citing several First Amendment cases involving public school teachers and professors).

[15] 319 U.S. 624 (1943).

[16] Id. at 631 (noting that the law punishes both parents and children, and “[t]he latter stand on a right of self-determination in matters that touch individual opinion and personal attitude”).

[17] Id. at 633–34.

[18] Janus v. Am. Fed’n of State, Cnty., and Mun. Emps., Council 31, 138 S. Ct. 2448, 2464 (2018).

[19] 319 U.S. at 631 (footnote omitted).

[20] See Garvey, supra note 5, at 328 (noting that compelled speech poses greater harms to children than censorship of speech).

[21] 319 U.S. at 642.

[22] Ginsberg v. New York, 390 U.S. 629 (1968).

[23] Id. at 633, 636.

[24] Id. at 638 (“[W]e have recognized that even where there is an invasion of protected freedoms ‘the power of the state to control the conduct of children reaches beyond the scope of its authority over adults . . . .’” (quoting Prince v. Massachusetts, 321 U.S. 158, 170 (1944))).

[25] Id. at 639.

[26] Id.

[27] See, e.g., Sheerin N.S. Haubenreich, Parental Rights in MySpace: Reconceptualizing the State’s Parens Patriae Role in the Digital Age, 31 Hastings Comm. & Ent. L.J. 223, 232 (2009) (citing Tinker to support statement that “[p]arents must address school issues that conflict with their child-rearing decisions and schools must likewise address parental choices that conflict with curricular decisions.”).

[28] See, e.g., FCC v. Pacifica Found., 438 U.S. 726, 749 (1978) (upholding restrictions on indecent broadcasts in part because “broadcasting is uniquely accessible to children, even those too young to read”).

[29] Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 422 U.S. 205, 213 (1975).

[30] Id. at 213–14.

[31] Id. at 214 & n.11 (stating that “[i]n most circumstances” the government cannot restrict the speech minors hear, but then citing Tinker and Ginsberg).

[32] 564 U.S. 786 (2011).

[33] See, e.g., Amitai Etzioni, On Protecting Children from Speech, 79 Chicago-Kent L. Rev. 3, 5 (2004) (explaining at the outset of his article that it is focusing “on the right to ‘consume’ speech rather than to produce it. The main question is not whether children should be entitled to make movies, produce CDs, and so on, but whether their access to the harmful content found in some cultural materials should be limited.”).

[34] See, e.g., Morse v. Frederick, 551 U.S. 393, 405 (2007) (“Had Fraser delivered the same speech in a public forum outside the school context, it would have been protected.”); Hazelwood Sch. Dist. v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260, 266 (1988) (“A school need not tolerate student speech that is inconsistent with its ‘basic educational mission’ even though the government could not censor similar speech outside the school.” (citation omitted)).

[35] See Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 508–11 (1969) (noting the school did not restrict all political speech and instead singled out the students wearing the black armbands on the basis of their viewpoint opposing the war).

[36] 478 U.S. 675, 685–86 (1986).

[37] Id. at 681.

[38] Id. at 681.

[39] Id. at 683.

[40] Id. at 684–85. In his concurrence, Justice Brennan points out that there was no evidence in the record that any students found the student’s speech insulting, and the suggestive speech came nowhere close to the explicit language at issue in Ginsberg or Pacifica. Id. at 689 n.2 (Brennan, J., concurring in judgment).

[41] 484 U.S. 260 (1988).

[42] 551 U.S. 393 (2007).

[43] 484 U.S. at 272.

[44] 551 U.S. at 397.

[45] See, e.g., Brown v. Entm’t Merchs. Ass’n, 564 U.S. 786, 805 (2011) (striking down law banning the sale of certain violent video games to minors); Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 422 U.S. 205, 213 (1975) (rejecting the government’s argument that a ban on all drive-in movies with nudity was necessary to protect children, explaining that “[c]learly all nudity cannot be deemed obscene even as to minors.”).

[46] 484 U.S. at 271–72.

[47] Id. at 273.

[48] Id. at 274–75.

[49] Id. at 274.

[50] Id.

[51] Id. at 274–75.

[52] Id. at 272.

[53] Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 507 (1969).

[54] Id. at 506.

[55] See, e.g., Paul Horwitz, First Amendment Institutions 18–19 (2013) (arguing that courts should largely defer to First Amendment institutions like schools to “give them room to develop their own visions of what the First Amendment means, even if that vision is different from the one courts would choose themselves” (emphasis omitted)).

[56] See R. George Wright, School-Sponsored Speech and the Surprising Case for Viewpoint-Based Regulations, 31 S. Ill. U. L.J. 175, 212–13 (2007).

[57] See Hazelwood, 484 U.S. at 271 (“Educators are entitled to exercise greater control over this second form of student expression to assure that participants learn whatever lessons the activity is designed to teach . . . .”).

[58] Widmar v. Vincent, 454 U.S. 263, 278 (1981) (Stevens, J., concurring in judgment).

[59] 478 U.S. 675, 685–86 (1986).

[60] 484 U.S. at 271.

[61] 551 U.S. 393, 408 (2007).

[62] Id.

[63] Id. (emphasis added).

[64] For a lengthier discussion of this topic, see Mary-Rose Papandrea, The Government Brand, 110 Nw. U. L. Rev. 1195, 1226–33 (2016).

[65] See, e.g., Capitol Square Review & Advisory Bd. v. Pinette, 515 U.S. 753, 763–65 (1995).

[66] Bd. of Educ. of Westside Cmty. Schs. (Dist. 66) v. Mergens, 496 U.S. 226, 250 (1990).

[67] See, e.g., Hazelwood Sch. Dist. v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260, 289 (1988) (Brennan, J., dissenting) (arguing that the Court should have considered whether a disclaimer in the student newspaper, or an official response clarifying the school’s position on a particular topic, would alleviate any confusion about whether the school endorsed the student speech appearing in the school newspaper).

[68] Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 514 (1969).

[69] Id. at 516 (Black, J., dissenting).

[70] Id at 508 (majority opinion).

[71] Id.; see also id. at 514 (“[T]he record does not demonstrate any facts which might reasonably have led school authorities to forecast substantial disruption of or material interference with school activities, and no disturbances or disorders on the school premises in fact occurred.”).

[72] Id. at 508.

[73] Id. at 508, 510.

[74] Id. at 510–11.

[75] Id. at 511.

[76] Id. at 508.

[77] Id. at 508–09.

[78] Id. at 512–13 (“[P]ersonal intercommunication among the students . . . is also an important part of the educational process.”).

[79] See, e.g., Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444, 447 (1969) (per curiam) (“[T]he constitutional guarantees of free speech and free press do not permit a State to forbid or proscribe advocacy of the use of force or of law violation except where such advocacy is directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action.”).

[80] See, e.g., N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 270 (1964) (citing “a profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open”).

[81] Tinker, 393 U.S. at 511.

[82] Id. at 509.

[83] Brandenburg, 395 U.S. at 447.

[84] Clark v. Cmty. for Creative Non-Violence, 468 U.S. 288, 293 (1984).

[85] Tinker, 393 U.S. at 508.

[86] Id. at 514 (emphasis added).

[87] Brandenburg, 395 U.S. at 447.

[88] See, e.g., Morse v. Frederick, 551 U.S. 393, 401 (2007) (deferring to school official’s “reasonable” interpretation of the nonsensical phrase “Bong Hits for Jesus” as advocating illegal drug use).

[89] Hardwick ex rel. Hardwick v. Heyward, 711 F.3d 426, 438 (4th Cir. 2013) (upholding ban on confederate flags in schools after noting that “[o]ver the past four decades” there have been racial tensions).

[90] See Morse, 551 U.S. at 397 (holding school could punish speech it reasonably perceived as advocating illegal drug use); Hazelwood Sch. Dist. v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260, 273 (1988) (holding school officials can censor student expression in school-sponsored activities as long as “their actions are reasonably related to legitimate pedagogical concerns”); Bethel Sch. Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser, 478 U.S. 675, 681 (1986) (holding public schools can restrict the use of lewd and profane language in order to promote “socially appropriate behavior”).

[91] See, e.g., Bell v. Itawamba Cty. Sch. Bd., 799 F.3d 379, 391–92 (5th Cir. 2015); D.J.M. ex rel. D.M. v. Hannibal Pub. Sch. Dist., 647 F.3d 754, 766 (8th Cir. 2011).